It’s About Justice…

“It’s about justice. It has always been about justice,” said Jennifer Latheef, member of the Governing Council of the Maldivian Democratic Party and human rights activist, tossing back her head in a gesture of defiance.

Miss Latheef was charged and sentenced to ten years imprisonment on charges of terrorism on October 20, 2005, for allegedly having hit a policeman with a stone when a large percentage of the capital’s inhabitants took to the streets in a spontaneous fit of rage on September 20, 2003.

The incident which resulted in acts of arson directed at the High Court, the office of the Elections Commissioner and several police vehicles and a police sub-station were sparked by the brutal killing of Evan Naseem by the security forces, an inmate of the Maafushi jail, on September 19, 2003. The subsequent jail riots took a further toll on innocent lives the following day when the same security personnel in Maafushi jail opened fire on unarmed inmates, killing four and seriously injuring seventeen others.

Surprisingly deviating from the hard-line stance taken by President Gayyoom, the regime has of late begun to make conciliatory gestures towards the opposition. Several MDP activists arrested during street demonstrations were recently released. Yet – even more surprising was the fact that Gayyoom had apparently decided to issue a Presidential pardon for Jenny Latheef.

“I’m not about to get all excited over some comments made by Gayyoom’s mouthpiece,” said Jenny, presently under house-arrest, referring to the recent remarks publicly made by Shareef, the government Spokesperson.

“I have not been informed of anything officially.”

“I could have evaded going to jail by remaining in Colombo. Despite the terrorism charges lodged against me by the regime, and well aware of the way the judiciary works here, I still came back to Male’ because I believed in justice.”

Further responding to Shareef’s announcements about a Presidential pardon for herself, said Jenny:

“Gayyoom has publicly acknowledged there are shortcomings in the justice system. He has said that justice ought to be meted in accordance with the wishes of the people.”

“Initially when the Attorney General built his case against me, he stated that we – meaning Xia, Shabir, Alex and Ikulla, Ahmed Moosa and myself – would be tried together. Assuming he has decided to release me, it is only just that what applies to me should apply to the others as well.”

“Anyway – the investigation and the trial itself was a travesty of justice.”

As part of the pre-conditions to all party talks, the MDP had proposed that all political prisoners be released unconditionally. Jenny, who remains unperturbed at having to spend ten years in jail, echoed the same sentiments.

“Only a few of the detainees were released. The majority are still under arrest – whether it be Male’ arrest, house arrest or jail – and their liberty is equally important to me as my own freedom.”

“I’m definitely not interested in a pardon. I am innocent. I am not a terrorist. I went out on to the street to protest against a grave injustice. All I am interested in is seeking justice and I am prepared to face any eventuality to achieve my goals.”

“I cannot talk about justice and turn my back on injustice.”

When questioned whether if she had a message for President Gayyoom, she responded:

“I pray to Allah that Gayyoom does the right thing by my people.”

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DRP Official Backs “Limited” Freedom of Assembly

The coordinator for the ruling Dhivehi Raiyyithunge Party (DRP) and presidential appointee to the Special Majlis, Ibrahim Shafiu, has said restrictions on freedom of assembly are needed to ensure public safety and accelerate the reform process.

In an interview with Minivan News this week, Shafiu strongly condemned recent protests held by the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), calling the participants “petty criminals” who should be “removed from the streets.”

“We are a peaceful and peace-loving nation. We are not used to people on the streets trying to intimidate the institutions of state,” he said.

“And these people who are demonstrating have been responsible for some sort of corruption or trying to manipulate the system in the past. Now they are trying to bring the system down.”

“Children have been hospitalized [by these protests]. These activities are frightening and disturbing and they put people in danger.”

Shafiu said the limitations to peaceful protest imposed by a presidential decree in May were necessary to prevent mass protests causing “havoc”:

“Now we have regulations under the presidential decree. They allow the opposition to demonstrate on any issue. They allocate where demonstrations can be held. The government accepts that they can demonstrate… the presidential decree only narrows the right [to freedom of assembly]; you can’t just come onto the streets whenever you like and shout,” he said.

Shafiu said that “the majority of Maldivians” were not prepared to accept mass rallies similar to those often witnessed in Paris, where protests effectively close down much of the city for weeks:

“The space in Male’ is limited. You can’t have people on the streets like you see in French demonstrations. A kind of limited demonstration is needed in the Maldives, where you can voice opposition but in a controlled environment and where people can go and safely participate. But when they [the MDP] cross this line and go onto the streets, they upset the majority of the public who are happy with our political system.”

The police arrested almost 200 MDP supporters in May as they attempted to quash a series of opposition rallies in the capital. The European Union and the United Nations expressed concern over the arrests. However, Shafiu denied that the police overreacted:

“Even for a minute I don’t think so. Maafanu Park – this is an area for children to go and enjoy. These MDP people started to take over that park. They were shouting their political nonsense and children were frightened to go there. They were told not to gather there but they did. They had their rice pudding feasts and they were shouting on megaphones. Children shouldn’t have to hear that. For ten days there were warned by the police. But it got out of hand. There was a confrontation with locals and the police had to intervene. They [the MDP] are the ones on the streets creating havoc.”

More people were arrested in the week following the May demonstrations than at any other period in President Gayoom’s 28 year rule. But Shafiu denied that the arrests undermined public confidence in the democratic reform process.

“These people who were arrested are 80% petty criminals. They were going out creating violence in the streets. These were not random people [who were arrested.] If you look at the files of these people, you’ll see that. Most people are happy that the government will not tolerate disorder on the streets. Most people are in favour of the government action to remove these people from the streets,” he said.

“I am a member of the Special Majlis and I was unable to attend the Majlis without being called names and harassed. Now, after the arrests, attendance in parliament has improved. So, the speed of reform has increased now that these people have been removed. Since the presidential decree, this trouble has stopped and I’m much happier about that.”

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I Quit Due to Party Disloyalty – Ibra

In an exclusive interview to Minivan News, Ibrahim Ismail (Ibra), who resigned as Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) President on Sunday, said disloyalty from senior party colleagues was the main reason he decided to quit.

“The shadow cabinet, the National Executive Committee and the Secretariat… none of them gave me the co-operation I needed to carry through my agenda,” he said.

Ibra said that fundamental disagreements with colleagues over whether to engage with the government isolated him within the party.

“I outlined my proposals to take the party forward and I believe Congress approved those [in the December leadership election]. Fundamental to these was negotiation with the government and working through legal processes in the Majlis. However, the National Council passed a resolution [in January] virtually banning the MDP from negotiating with the government until political prisoners are freed. I tried to use backdoor methods to talk and seek solutions [with the government] but again the National Council didn’t approve. And I was constantly accused of making deals with President Gayoom. So, it was quite clear that the National Council did not approve of my thinking,” he said.

Ibra also noted his turbulent relationship with MDP Chairperson Mohamed Nasheed (Anni): “We don’t see eye to eye. This was a critical factor in my decision to resign.”

“He being the Chairperson, in charge of the Secretariat… what is implemented is very dependent on his views.

“There are elements within the MDP who think that direct action is the key to achieving our objectives. I think direct action is a crucial element in this process but not the only element. We must have a political process too, and that’s engagement with the government. My desire is to have a peaceful solution and that can only come about through negotiation, through the Majlis, through a legal process. But I do believe to make that happen we also need direct action. In the MDP the direct action is going ahead but the political agenda is being left on the shelf.

“Within the existing arrangements, I found it impossible to push this political agenda forward. I think the party has come to a halt, but I’m virtually alone in thinking this,” he added.

Ibra said he was sidelined to such an extent he wasn’t even able to open his own mail. “Letters addressed to the party president were going to the National Council before I saw them. Party statements were released before I had a chance to read them… It became very clear that the party president is not the leader but has a nominal, ceremonial role rather like the Queen of England.”

“The final straw was a no-confidence motion in the National Executive Committee on Wednesday. I was unable to attend the meeting and wasn’t aware a motion had been tabled until a member of the press asked me about it on Sunday. I had a choice: to either resign or fight the motion. I didn’t think it would be in the party’s interest to fight and inevitably make public all our differences.”

Ibra gave two pieces of advice for those seeking election as the next party president. “To potential candidates: have a very clear understanding of the powers and responsibilities of the president before you commit yourself. To the next elected president: make sure you appoint a shadow cabinet that fully backs you and will be loyal to you.”

Despite the acrimonious atmosphere, Ibra said he would continue to back the MDP cause and channel his energies in the People’s Majlis and Special Majlis.

“I’m chair of the Special Majlis drafting committee for the new constitution. That’s a vital role; to make sure that it functions properly and speedily so we can get the new constitution drafted and passed as soon as possible. Also, in the Majlis, there is much work to be done. There’s new roadmap legislation coming up. That’s more than enough work, and it’s very important work… and I will continue to represent the MDP in both houses,” he said.

“And I’ll cooperate fully with the next leader. I don’t want the next MDP President to be in the same position I was in.”

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One Day, I will Get Justice – ‘Backbone’ Mahir

In today’s Maldives, with President Gayoom’s ‘democracy roadmap’ and the government’s seductive rhetoric about ‘sweeping reforms,’ it is easy to forget the horrors that the regime perpetrated just a few years ago.
The ‘New Maldives’ team like to brush over the first 26 year’s of Gayoom’s rule. While they don’t deny that “excesses” happened, they’re much happier speaking of the country’s shiny new democratic future than its murky dictatorial past. When one meets Abdulla Mahir, it is easy to see why.
‘Backbone’ Mahir, as he is ominously referred to by his friends, coined the nickname after his spine was snapped by National Security Service (NSS) guards in on 18 January 1995, his eighteenth birthday.
The interrogation team that tortured him and left him permanently disabled was headed by former NSS Sergeant – and now Islamic Democratic Party chief – Umar Naseer.
“Umar Naseer came forward and punched me in the side of the face. Immediately after that Atheef picked me up from my belt and threw me to the floor. I tried to stand but they started kicking me with their military boots. My two friends with me were made to remain sitting in their chairs while I was being beaten.” And that is one of the milder extracts from Mahir’s horrific testimony of his time courtesy of the NSS.
Minivan News met up with Mahir this week in Britain, where he was granted indefinite leave to remain in November, following the UN’s ruling that he had a well-founded fear of persecution should he return to the Maldives.
Sipping cappuccino, sporting a smart leather jacket and tightly cropped hair, Mahir looks noticeably more at ease in London than in Colombo – where Mahir sought refuge last year but where the threat of deportation to Maldives always loomed.
After moving to the UK, he is concentrating on his studies. He has enrolled in an English class and hopes to study computer engineering in the autumn.
Along with his ability to walk freely, Mahir’s education was another thing robbed from him. His youth was mostly spent in Maafushi Jail – President Gayoom’s response to his appeals for compensation for his injuries.
Mahir is also undergoing physiotherapy in Britain but doctors say that his disability is permanent, with no hope of substantial improvement. Is he still bitter about what happened to him? Yes and no.
“I’d like to bring charges against Umar Naseer for what he’s done… if it’s not possible in the Maldives, then internationally,” Mahir says.
He is at pains to add, however, that as a good Muslim he’d be willing to forgive Naseer. “If he confesses, if he apologises publicly for what he’s done, then I could forgive him.”
But Umar Naseer remains unrepentant and the government refuses to acknowledge what happened.
“I would like to make an appeal to people not to join that party [Islamic Democratic Party]. He’s told so many lies against me but most people know about my case. Umar Naseer and I lived in Henveiru ward in Male’, so all his neighbours know what he did,” Mahir says.
“I believe all those senior National Security Service (NSS) officers are indirectly responsible. Anvarie, when he was Defense Minister, warned me no progress would be made with my case. When I met with Gayoom he promised he would investigate… but nothing happened. Those people should also be charged for what they have done.”
Mahir hopes to return to Maldives but is too afraid whilst Gayoom remains in power. “I’m sure I would be attacked again. I have given lots of interviews to [Minivan] radio about what happened to me… I can’t go back.”
He remains in regular contact with people back home, though, and is appreciative of their encouragement. “Friends and family and opposition people in Addu, in particular, have been very supportive. They say they listen to all my interviews and are behind me.”
“I believe, one day, I will get justice.”

In today’s Maldives, with President Gayoom’s ‘democracy roadmap’ and the government’s seductive rhetoric about ‘sweeping reforms,’ it is easy to forget the horrors that the regime perpetrated just a few years ago.

The ‘New Maldives’ team like to brush over the first 26 year’s of Gayoom’s rule. While they don’t deny that “excesses” happened, they’re much happier speaking of the country’s shiny new democratic future than its murky dictatorial past. When one meets Abdulla Mahir, it is easy to see why.

‘Backbone’ Mahir, as he is ominously referred to by his friends, coined the nickname after his spine was snapped by National Security Service (NSS) guards in on 18 January 1995, his eighteenth birthday.

The interrogation team that tortured him and left him permanently disabled was headed by former NSS Sergeant – and now Islamic Democratic Party chief – Umar Naseer.

“Umar Naseer came forward and punched me in the side of the face. Immediately after that Atheef picked me up from my belt and threw me to the floor. I tried to stand but they started kicking me with their military boots. My two friends with me were made to remain sitting in their chairs while I was being beaten.” And that is one of the milder extracts from Mahir’s horrific testimony of his time courtesy of the NSS.

Minivan News met up with Mahir this week in Britain, where he was granted indefinite leave to remain in November, following the UN’s ruling that he had a well-founded fear of persecution should he return to the Maldives.

Sipping cappuccino, sporting a smart leather jacket and tightly cropped hair, Mahir looks noticeably more at ease in London than in Colombo – where Mahir sought refuge last year but where the threat of deportation to Maldives always loomed.

After moving to the UK, he is concentrating on his studies. He has enrolled in an English class and hopes to study computer engineering in the autumn.

Along with his ability to walk freely, Mahir’s education was another thing robbed from him. His youth was mostly spent in Maafushi Jail – President Gayoom’s response to his appeals for compensation for his injuries.

Mahir is also undergoing physiotherapy in Britain but doctors say that his disability is permanent, with no hope of substantial improvement. Is he still bitter about what happened to him? Yes and no.

“I’d like to bring charges against Umar Naseer for what he’s done… if it’s not possible in the Maldives, then internationally,” Mahir says.

He is at pains to add, however, that as a good Muslim he’d be willing to forgive Naseer. “If he confesses, if he apologises publicly for what he’s done, then I could forgive him.”

But Umar Naseer remains unrepentant and the government refuses to acknowledge what happened.

“I would like to make an appeal to people not to join that party [Islamic Democratic Party]. He’s told so many lies against me but most people know about my case. Umar Naseer and I lived in Henveiru ward in Male’, so all his neighbours know what he did,” Mahir says.

“I believe all those senior National Security Service (NSS) officers are indirectly responsible. Anvarie, when he was Defense Minister, warned me no progress would be made with my case. When I met with Gayoom he promised he would investigate… but nothing happened. Those people should also be charged for what they have done.”

Mahir hopes to return to Maldives but is too afraid whilst Gayoom remains in power. “I’m sure I would be attacked again. I have given lots of interviews to [Minivan] radio about what happened to me… I can’t go back.”

He remains in regular contact with people back home, though, and is appreciative of their encouragement. “Friends and family and opposition people in Addu, in particular, have been very supportive. They say they listen to all my interviews and are behind me.”

“I believe, one day, I will get justice.”

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Latheef Outlines MDP’s Position on the Roadmap

Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) Founder Mohamed Latheef, currently on a diplomatic tour of Europe, talks about the party’s position vis-à-vis President Gayoom’s recently launched roadmap for democratic reform.

MN: In recent interview with Reuters and other news agencies you sounded enthusiastic about Gayoom’s much flaunted Roadmap. Are you confident that this is the beginning of a concerted commitment to reform?

ML: The answer is a categorical NO. I am under no illusion as to Gayoom’s reform initiatives. The despot will not voluntarily dilute his pervasive, hegemonic power. Like I always point out, reform would be political suicide for the despot. Gayoom is not suicidal.

MN: So why welcome it?

ML: I believe that the New Maldivian Choir Boys are the prime movers behind the Roadmap. The Choir Boys’ main intention in pushing the Roadmap is to fulfil their mandate of buying time for the despot. However, such a document would also act as a noose round his neck. The international community sees this as a formal, firm commitment on the part of the despot. A commitment they can hold Gayoom accountable to. The despot will find it increasingly difficult to misbehave or to renege on his words- a situation we must dearly welcome.

The Choir Boys are not idiots; they are educated, smart, articulate smooth operators. Furthermore they understand the imperative for change and for reform. All they can do is buy time for the despot and, perhaps, hope Gayoom has the good sense to fade away.

MN: Talking about buying time, do you think the deadline of June 2007 for ratification of the constitution and October 2008 for elections is reasonable? Will the people exercise such patience?

ML: Absolutely not. Those two arbitrary dates are clear examples of Gayoom’s insincerity. Earlier he gave January 2006 to come up with a new constitution. A guideline for constitution, largely acceptable to both MDP and the government done with the assistance of UNDP, already exists. So what, other than buying time, is the logic behind extending the timeframe? Why wait until October 2008 to hold elections- exactly when the dictator, according to the present constitution would expect to be rubber-stamped for his seventh term. Frankly the timeline stinks. There is no logical reason why the constitution and the election process cannot be completed within a year at the most.

MN: But enabling laws have to be made and people’s awareness towards the new freedom must be raised. All this surely takes time.

ML: Please, please bear with me. It is not lack of laws that makes the Maldives the dictatorship it is. It is not poor public awareness of rights that has turned the country into a brutal police state run jointly by a sadistic despot and his partner in crime, Torturer Adam Zahir. I have said it before and I say it again; it is not lack of laws but the lack of political will on the part of just one individual- dictator Maumoon Abdul Gayoom- that has turned this peaceful, small, homogenous society into one of the worst dictatorships in the world. So do not blame lack of laws for our miserable plight- blame the despot who is a law unto himself.

MN: And yet you believe in the utility of Roadmaps and dialogue?

ML: Yes, roadmaps because it will bind the dictator and hold him more accountable and if he reneges, subject him to the consequences. As for talks, I believe, as a responsible opposition we owe it to ourselves and to the people of Maldives to find a way out of the present impasse. If it entails talks with the government, so be it.

MN: Have MDP conditions for talks been met?

ML: No, Anni and Jenny remain in detention. Other arbitrary, politically motivated arrests and intimidation goes on unabated. Within hours after of the announcement of the Roadmap, Adam Zahir’s Goon Squad is on the rampage, intimidating, torturing and arresting those involved in the widely attended “Women for Women’s Rights” rally. Are these the actions of a regime on the road to a new democracy as the Roadmap claims? I believe not.

MN: So why talk?

ML: Amongst others, our willingness to talk, a) demonstrates goodwill on our part b) it may strengthen the more rational pro-reform elements in the government c) the consequences of complete disengagement can be even worse d) we have nothing much to lose anyway if the government is unreasonable, we have the option to walk out and e) dialogue may help us reshape the ghastly contours of the Roadmap. At a personal level, as a Gandhian who believes strongly in non-violent resistance, I find dialogue an important, effective tool. Yes, despite the shortcomings and reservations, I do welcome the Roadmap as an important development that may hasten MDP’s efforts to bring democracy and freedom to the people of Maldives

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Maldives Culture Editors Speak of their Struggle for Free Speech in the Darkest Days of Gayoom

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Michael O’Shea, who co-edits of maldivesculture.com with his wife, Fareesha.

Maldives Culture was one of the first websites ever to criticise Gayoom’s government. Micheal, who lives in Australia, tells us of the persecution he and his wife have suffered for speaking out against the regime.

MN: Your website, maldivesculture.com, is still banned by the government of Maldives. Can you describe the reasons for this? Also, a lot of Maldivian dissident writers found refuge in your site, and through your work the world outside have discovered the kind of life they have to live. For example, your publication of Sandhaanu Ibrahim Luthfee’s letters helped to underline this problem. Please tell us why you are inspired to help Maldivian writers.

OS: The banning of our website by President Gayyoom is indication of its importance in the battle against his dictatorship. It is an honour to be banned by a regime like Gayyoom’s, and an honour we share with another important website – Dhivehi Observer. Gayyoom also bans or suppresses the best books about Maldives – ‘People of the Maldive Islands’ by Clarence Maloney, ‘The Maldive Islanders’ by Xavier Romero-Frias, and ‘Iyye’ (Yesterday) by Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik. As far as we are concerned, Maldives Culture is in exalted company.

It may come as a surprise to some people that Maldives Culture has not always been critical of Gayyoom. At first, it was established in Australia in 1999 as a Maldives history and social research site. At that time, we did not know about Gayyoom’s institutionalised torture and theft of government funds. When Maldivians living overseas, and in Maldives, sent us emails and documents about Gayyoom’s crimes, we doubted their authenticity. We had heard little about rampant corruption and Gayyoom’s NSS terror tactics while we were working in southern Maldives in 1996 and 1997. People living in dictatorships were easily fooled until the Internet became available. Like many other Maldivians and foreigners, we were deceived by the regimes’ propaganda, and thought Gayyoom had the interests of his country at heart. How wrong we were!

We began to realise our mistake when we published extracts from a Maldives Internet discussion forum that Gayyoom had closed down. Our motive in publishing these extracts, and highlighting the strong family links among his ministers, was simply to attract more readers and encourage sensible and informed debates, but the reaction from Gayyoom and his supporters was rabid. For months, we received lengthy and obscene emails, rape and death threats, and military-style orders to cease publication immediately. It shocked us, and made us wonder what Gayyoom, his family and his NSS generals had to hide. Meanwhile, other Maldivians realised we were genuine, and they sent us articles and information that exposed Gayyoom’s atrocities and methods, and the extent of the criminal conspiracy that had gained control of the country. As we translated, edited and published these revelations, Gayyoom declared us public enemies and persona non grata in Maldives. He used his links with corrupt police and security services in India and Sri Lanka to order our arrest if we travelled there.

Gayyoom and fellow senior officers from the NSS tried to destroy our reputations and website by similar methods to what they are using now against the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP). However, their virulent campaign helped turn Maldives Culture into a symbol of free speech and independent thought. The vicious torture and shootings of unarmed prisoners in Maafushi prison in September 2003 proved the accuracy of Ibrahim Luthfee’s predictions about the jail and details of torture practices, which had been published by Maldives Culture in the preceding months. Gayyoom’s public lies that torture did not exist in Maldives, was exposed for all to see; particularly, for the population of Male’ and the people of Sri Lanka where wounded prisoners were airlifted for treatment.

There was a profound change among our writers after those awful events. They ceased to be polite about the dictator. Gayyoom lost all legitimacy. They realised his removal was the only thing that could save their families and society from destruction. All countries need a moral core if their people are going to believe in their nationalism, and Gayyoom was and remains a direct threat to the essential beliefs that hold Dhivehi Rajje together.

The strength of Maldives Culture isn’t due to any single person, it has been a combined effort by many brave and intelligent Maldivians. Gayyoom never forgives people who refuse to submit to his criminal ways. Like a petty gangster, he demands ‘respect’ through threats, violence and bribery. Maldives Culture has refused to bow to his slanderous intimidation and obscenities, and we have deflected his lawyers’ harassment. Any hint that we might accept a bribe to cease publication (US$1-2 million dollars has been mentioned) was swiftly rejected. We have defied Gayyoom and told him to stick his money where it belongs – in the hands of the hardworking Maldivians who earn it. Readers will now understand why we remain banned.

We would like to take this opportunity provided by this Minivan interview to express our regrets to some Maldivians who have been personally and unnecessarily hurt by articles we published in the past. Early on, we did English translations of Haveeru articles about court cases involving members of the Maldives film industry. We now understand that these prosecutions were part of a vendetta organised by members of Gayyoom’s family and their associates. We regret the additional suffering that our translations caused.

Another lapse of editorial judgment was the publication of allegations of corruption against Gayyoom’s former attorney-general Mohamed Munnavar and former minister Ibrahim Hussein Zaki. We are still unsure whether these allegations were part of a slander campaign by Gayyoom against these two men who had been excluded from the dictator’s cabinet after the Maafushi jail shootings, or whether the allegations were a product of internal politicking among the groups who were forming the Maldivian Democratic Party. However, what has become clear is the genuine commitment of Munavvar and Zaki to the movement for democratic reform in Maldives. We apologise to both Munavvar and Zaki, and we regret that publishing the allegations initially made their good work more difficult.

Maldives Culture has grown and transformed as it strived to reflect the changes occurring in the consciousness of Maldivians in Dhivehi Rajje and overseas. In 2006, there are many excellent websites that accurately and honestly portray the country and its people. Maldives Culture is now an archive, link and support centre for the Maldives democracy movement and its supporters among foreign academics, businesspeople, bankers and diplomats. At last, the editors are able to concentrate on what we do best – translations and historical research. The crimes of President Gayyoom are fertile ground for such work.

MN: On the 16th of February, you published a translation of the Dhivehi Tareekh that covers Maldives history from 1558 to 1848. Can you tell our readers about this enormous work you have done and what inspired you to complete this work?

OS: The Dhivehi Tareekh is the most important surviving compilation of early Maldives history. This compilation was begun at the beginning of the twentieth century from a variety of earlier sources, and like any state-sponsored work, it has its deficiencies. Every country censors its own history, and historians re-write it to suit the political and social demands, and knowledge, of a particular time. There are many examples of that in other histories I am familiar with, namely, the histories of England, USA, Australia, New Zealand, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, China, Japan, Indonesia, Eastern and Southern Africa, and the Middle East. This does not detract from the value of these histories. It just means they have to be read with the writers’ and compliers’ intentions and background in mind. All histories are based on original documents that have been written by people with their own agendas, or by writers acting under orders, or writers being paid by people who have certain expectations. How many government documents and newspapers today tell the truth? The Dhivehi Tareek is no different, and no better or worse than any other country’s official history.

However, there is one very important deficiency in the version of the Dhivehi Tareek that was published by the Gayyoom regime, and that is the deliberate removal of the centuries of Maldives history before 1558. We know the records exist (or existed), because H. C. P. Bell and his assistant W. L. De Silva saw them and fortunately translated them in an abridged form during the 1920s. They are to be found in English in Bell’s ‘The Maldive Islands’, first published in 1940, and available in Male’ as an expensive reprint . However, like the Dhivehi Tareek, Bell’s book is hard to read and not indexed. It is a big book, and a lot of the interesting information is hidden by poor presentation, or has to be extracted from the extensive small-print footnotes. The original Dhivehi Tareek has no chapters, table of contents or index. The Thaana script style used in the original has no spaces between words or sentences. Even Maldivians have great difficulty reading the Tareek in Dhivehi because it uses many Urdu and Arabic expressions that are no longer understood.

Our translation of the Dhivehi Tareek was a group effort, and we were helped by many Maldivians, both in Dhivehi Rajje and overseas. Majid Abdul-Wahhab in New Zealand was particularly helpful, and the translation has been achieved in part through his detailed knowledge of Male’ and its culture, and his expertise in Urdu and Arabic.

The Dhivehi Tareek is mainly a history of the Male’ aristocracy, rather than a history of Maldives. Other Dhivehi literary sources and English language books have to be read to understand the history and culture of normal Maldivians and the atolls. With regard to the English sources, I recommend the English translation of Francois Pyrard’s account of his five year stay in Male’ at the beginning of the 1600s, and Xavier Romero-Frias’ recent book ‘The Maldive Islanders’.

The completion and publication of our translation of the Dhivehi Tareek provides a basis for serious historical research in Maldives and in overseas universities. I have spoken to professors of history who say that Maldives has no real history as far as they are concerned. Well, now Maldives has at least a partial history that even professors cannot deny.

MN: Prior to this translation, you have also published a timeline, noting down important historical events that occurred in Maldives from 1900 to the present period. Please tell us about this.

OS: The timeline is based on the style of the Dhivehi Tareek, and we have also called it the Fahuge (Recent) Tareek in recognition of the work of Maldives historians whose work was used to construct it, particularly the late Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik who was the best historian Maldives has ever had. We don’t agree with all his ideas and conclusions, but there is no doubting his integrity. Hakeem saw many dictators come and go. He knew their strengths and weaknesses as men and leaders. The most important lesson for Maldivians from his work is that even the best of men are corrupted by too much power.

The timeline is designed for use by Maldive and foreign writers, historians, researchers, diplomats, aid agencies, businesspeople and anyone else who work with Maldivians. President Gayyoom has suppressed all historical research into Maldives. He has many crimes to hide, and an intelligent and oppressed population to deceive. Control over history and the elimination of objective historical analysis, are essential for dictatorships. Only then can dictators define a country and its people in their own deceptive image. The timeline makes it much more difficult for President Gayyoom to fool his own people and foreigners. The latest debate over democratic reform in Maldives is a prime example. President Gayyoom has once again tried to argue that Maldivians are too stupid and uncontrollable to have democracy. This is a lie. In fact, Maldivians are better educated than the populations in other countries in South Asia and the West when democracy was established there in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The timeline shows that Maldivians have been seriously debating the benefits of democracy since the early 1930s. It also shows how, for nearly thirty years, Gayyoom has been using the same arguments and brutal methods to crush reform that Abdul Majeed, King Shamsudeen, Hassan Fareed, Mohamed Ameen, and Ibrahim Nasir had used before him. Their ideology is essentially fascist, founded in the same evil ideas that inspired the ruinous dictatorships in Europe and Russia. In the West today, fascist ideology has been adapted by unethical public relations firms and advertising agencies. Gayyoom’s alliance with the PR industry is as natural as Gayyoom’s friendship with Saddam Hussein and Adolf Hitler’s pet film-maker, the unrepentant Nazi, Leni Riefenstahl (now deceased).

The truth is far more powerful than lies. No matter how sophisticated lies and their presentation are, the truth will defeat them. This is the foundation of real human progress. Truth in history has been denied for Maldivians by Gayyoom and his supporters. They have banned any book that attempts to reach the truth. They have tortured, intimidated and isolated any Maldivian who dares to speak or write accurately about the country. They have slandered foreigners who write realistically about Maldives and its social, political and economic problems. The timeline provides a background, resource and a guide to counter the continuous stream of lies and propaganda that Gayyoom has used to sustain his dictatorship.

MN: In your opinion, given the ongoing struggle by Maldivians to become free from an authoritarian system, what does the future look like for Maldivian writers?

OS: Before the age of the Internet and cheap video filming techniques, dictators could easily control information, publications and films. Writers can now find places to publish their work that dictators will never be able to stop. This is one reason why the future for Maldivian writers is bright. Another reason is that conflict is the vital ingredient for any good story. By conflict, we don’t mean just physical violence. It can be a clash of ideas, personalities or desires. Look at any good story and it is full of interesting conflicts. Maldives today is brimming with conflicts. There are stories everywhere just waiting to be told.

For potential short film-makers, there is an exciting Internet development – the increasing number of short films that are being downloaded from a variety of sites and watched by millions. At present, a good video download site linking to most of them is http://javimoya.com/blog/youtube_en.php but there are many others too.

To make a successful short film, a script is needed. It is similar to, but not the same, as writing a short story. Scriptwriting is an opportunity the writers of Maldives should not ignore. A scriptwriter needs to think in sequences of images. The writer must let the images tell the story, and use talking (conversation or a background narrative) only when absolutely necessary. If Maldivian writers learn this skill, then they will produce films that foreigners want to watch. The writers will also have to learn video-making processes, or co-operate with those who have the skill or potential to direct, use video cameras, sound recorders and film-editing programs. A good script, a computer with an editing program, a reasonable video camera and sound recorder are all you need. Short films can be a powerful tool against the dictatorship in Maldives, and a good way of tackling other problems the society faces. The actors don’t need to be identifiable, they can be illustrations or even fish. Video is a powerful medium, and Maldivians have the intelligence, imagination and environment to adapt their films in unique ways.

Books, articles and films that tell the truth about Maldives will appeal strongly to foreign and local audiences. Humour is an important ingredient, but a really successful film or piece of writing needs to be more than just funny. Maldivian writers won’t be successful if they only write what they think their bosses or families want to read. Like any other form of real education, influential books and films challenge people’s ideas and preconceptions. Honest books and films define a nation and make it stronger and more powerful than any amount of weapons or strutting soldiers.

MN: Do you think the government’s reform agenda will ever be implemented?

OS: The government’s reform agenda will never be implemented while Gayyoom and his associates are in power. There is a simple reason for this. If real legal and political reforms take place, Maumoon Gayyoom, Abdulla Yameen, Ilyas Ibrahim, Anbaree Abdul Sattar, Adam Zahir and Mohamed Zahir will face criminal charges and life imprisonment. Gangsters are not stupid. No amount of diplomatic niceties and public relations lies conjured up by international bankers and other organisations can change this fact.

If Gayyoom and his associates manage to flee the country and find safe haven somewhere else, then we believe the reform agenda will be implemented swiftly and peacefully. If they stay, then the awful violence that has plagued the country in recent years will continue, just as the dictator’s father predicted before his death in the early 1980s.

MN: What message would you give to opposition forces in Maldives?

OS: Stay united. The regime’s only hope is that the movement for reform will disintegrate through infighting. The reformers must remember that Gayyoom has tortured and beaten them to weaken their will and judgment. It is normal for healthy political parties and allies to argue among themselves, but if they lose sight of their real issues, they will lose.

The Maldivian Democratic Party and its allied parties have been tremendously successful because they have pulled together all Maldivians who hate the dictatorship, and these Maldivians are an overwhelming majority. There will be splits and factions, perhaps even before the next elections. Maldivians must ensure that such splits do not seriously weaken the movement for reform. A new government in Maldives might even have to accept a coalition with non-criminal members of the DRP. The NSS too, has a vital role to play in a new reforming government. It is quite possible for the NSS to become an organisation worthy of Maldivians’ respect and affection.

Maldivians can be united in their respect for each other, their healthy and tolerant religious beliefs and legal institutions. Another dictator, no matter how benign that person is at first, will be corrupted with power and responsibility. Democracy is neither easy nor perfect, but it makes a country remarkably strong and resilient because it makes all people share that power and responsibility.

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Why I’m Joining the Protest – Dr Waheed

15 Minutes with Shadow Minister for Community Development and Public Infrastructure, Dr. Waheed

MN: Why are you involved in the leadership of the demonstration?

W: I am part of the leadership of the Maldivian Democratic Part and I believe that people have the right to peaceful assembly as enshrined in the Article 26 of the Constitution. True democracy cannot prevail unless we exercise the freedom to assemble and express our feelings.

MN: What situation has prompted this demonstration?

W: The security situation in Maldives is deteriorating and civil rights of the people are being violated on a daily basis. The purpose of this demonstration is to persuade the government of Maldives to stop the mounting violence against the people, especially members of the Party. Multi party democracy is not possible without minimum respect for human rights and political freedoms. The following events and continuing aggression of the regime against the democracy workers necessitate collective action because repeated appeals to the government to cease all anti democracy activities have failed.

1. Continued incarceration and intimidation of political activists. The chairman of the MDP was arrested months ago and remains under house arrest and is being charged with terrorism and sedition for having exercised his constitutional rights to freedom of assembly. Jennifer Latheef the leading human rights activist in the Party has been sentenced for 10 years in prison for having participated in a demonstration against the murder of an inmate in hands of the prison guards. Naushad Waheed, my brother and Ahmed Didi both for having written articles critical of the government are serving jail sentences for 15 years and life respectively. Despite repeated appeals by the party and the international community they have not been released.

2. There is mounting violence against political activists, especially members of the MDP. MDP meeting in Addu Atoll in the South of the country was brutally dispersed causing many injuries. A non political demonstration over the construction of the inner harbor in Fares Mathoda Island in the south by island inhabitants was suppressed by riot police causing injuries to women and children. A chairman and vice chairman of two branches of the MDP have been assaulted by thugs financed allegedly by the police chief and senior government officials. The houses of senior Party members have been attacked twice in Male.

3. Political persecution of MDP members continues to affect civil servants. Many members of MDP have been removed from their office, removed or demoted, as retribution by the government which is now controlled by the minority political party formed by the President.

MN: So, what are your specific goals?

W: We are demanding things we are confident the government can deliver. Although the sentiments of the people are to call for greater demands we have prevailed on making them more manageable. The above situation has compelled the governing body of the MDP to call for mass action against these injustices. Peaceful protests called for the 24th January are meant to address the above situation. There are three demands corresponding to the above issues. They are 1) The immediate release of all political prisoners, especially the four mentioned above, 2) Removal from office of the Commissioner of Police and 3) Reinstatement of all civil servants who have been transferred or dismissed for political reasons. We believe that these are reasonable demands.

MN: What are the risks of this action? Are you in any personal danger?

W: We called for a peaceful demonstration. We do not expect any violence from member of the Party. The situation can get complicated if the government allows drug addicts and goons to disrupt the gathering. In the past senior officials in the government have been implicated in organizing confusion and destabilizing the situation through privately financed hooligans and then used that as an excuse to crack down on the opposition. This time the government is especially concerned because it is the first time a nation wide demonstration has been organized by the opposition.

I think the senior leadership of the party is in grave danger of being persecuted for this. It is a risk we are ready to take for the sake of democracy in the country.

MN: We hear that MDP called for participation of women and children in the demonstration? Is that true?

W: One of the documents had mentioned that women and children can participate? This was a mistake. The party has corrected it by calling upon all party members to prevent the attendance of children. It is a mistake and we admit it so we have corrected it. The problem is this government has always used children for political purposes. We have documentary evidence of such activities and the people sometimes take it for granted that it is something allowable. We will not allow children to be used to achieve out political objectives. I will personally make every effort in this regard.

MN: Do you think that the international community is sufficiently tuned to what is happening in Maldives?

W: Yes I am quite sure. I have been getting letters of support from people all over the world who are following this situation. These are my ex-UN friends, former class mates in the US and other well wishers. I know for a fact that many Western governments are following the situation closely and will not let down the people’s struggle for democracy in Maldives.

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15 Minutes with Stab Victim Hameed Shiruhan

Minivan spends 15 Minutes with Hameed Shiruhan, Vice President of MDP’s Kudahenveiru Gofi, who was stabbed on 18 January in Male’.
Shiruhan was interviewed from his bed in ADK Hospital, Male’, on 19 January shortly after undergoing surgery for his knive wounds.
MR: Shiruhan, can you please tell us what you can recall of the incident?
Shiruhan: Yes, around 2pm [on the 18 January] I was having lunch at the Dynamo I heard that some people had come to my house and had begun a serious fight with one boy. So I went there along with four others. I parked my motorbike near Henveiru Cemetery and walked to the spot to see what was happening. Within no time I felt that someone was running towards me and then as I turned I was attacked. At first I thought I had received a shot with a fist, and I felt numbness in my chest. Suddenly I felt warm and discovered blood gushing out.
At once I got onto the motorbike and asked someone there to help ride the vehicle. We came straight to ADK Hospital. In the dressing room they tried to stop the bleeding. However even after an hour the bleeding was not stopped. When I was taken into the operating theatre it was still bleeding. There they tried to sew the wound, and I also remember vomiting into the oxygen mask. Thereafter I was kept in the ICU. I was unable to sleep throughout the night. And now I have been transferred to a private room.
MR: Can you tell us if the doctor revealed the seriousness of the injury?
Shiruhan: The doctor said that it is a deep cut. He said that I am very lucky that no nerves have been affected, although he mentioned an artery being damaged. Since I had bled profusely I have received about three pints of [transfused] blood. I received two pints while I was in the ICU.
MR: I can see that there is a pipe connected and blood is oozing into it…can you explain?
Shiruhan: It is the blood that had come out of the wound…and gathered outside…the pipe was connected during the time they tried to sew the wound…excess blood is seeping into the pipe even now…
MR: What I would like to ask then is…as I walked in there were some police investigators and I heard what they were saying…do you have any hope of getting an investigation conducted on this attack?
Shiruhan: I don’t even hope that this incident can be investigated. That is because these attacks are being conducted by people who are connected to the DRP. Therefore I don’t see a process within this present system that will allow any investigation.
And, he [the police investigator] said even before beginning an inquiry that they don’t have any evidence to justify the arrest of those who did this. So he says even if the case is taken to any senior judge no arrests can be made. And I am a victim…so maybe, my word will not be believed…but, there are friends who had witnessed the attacks and reported to the authorities yet he has said just now they have no evidence received to justify an arrest.
My question is the statements put forward by my friends who witnessed these attacks…is that not enough evidence? I think that there is a very strong support being given to the DRP people in order to protect them.

Minivan spends 15 Minutes with Hameed Shiruhan, Vice President of MDP’s Kudahenveiru Gofi, who was stabbed on 18 January in Male’.

Shiruhan was interviewed from his bed in ADK Hospital, Male’, on 19 January shortly after undergoing surgery for his knive wounds.

MR: Shiruhan, can you please tell us what you can recall of the incident?

Shiruhan: Yes, around 2pm [on the 18 January] I was having lunch at the Dynamo I heard that some people had come to my house and had begun a serious fight with one boy. So I went there along with four others. I parked my motorbike near Henveiru Cemetery and walked to the spot to see what was happening. Within no time I felt that someone was running towards me and then as I turned I was attacked. At first I thought I had received a shot with a fist, and I felt numbness in my chest. Suddenly I felt warm and discovered blood gushing out.

At once I got onto the motorbike and asked someone there to help ride the vehicle. We came straight to ADK Hospital. In the dressing room they tried to stop the bleeding. However even after an hour the bleeding was not stopped. When I was taken into the operating theatre it was still bleeding. There they tried to sew the wound, and I also remember vomiting into the oxygen mask. Thereafter I was kept in the ICU. I was unable to sleep throughout the night. And now I have been transferred to a private room.

MR: Can you tell us if the doctor revealed the seriousness of the injury?

Shiruhan: The doctor said that it is a deep cut. He said that I am very lucky that no nerves have been affected, although he mentioned an artery being damaged. Since I had bled profusely I have received about three pints of [transfused] blood. I received two pints while I was in the ICU.

MR: I can see that there is a pipe connected and blood is oozing into it…can you explain?

Shiruhan: It is the blood that had come out of the wound…and gathered outside…the pipe was connected during the time they tried to sew the wound…excess blood is seeping into the pipe even now…

MR: What I would like to ask then is…as I walked in there were some police investigators and I heard what they were saying…do you have any hope of getting an investigation conducted on this attack?

Shiruhan: I don’t even hope that this incident can be investigated. That is because these attacks are being conducted by people who are connected to the DRP. Therefore I don’t see a process within this present system that will allow any investigation.

And, he [the police investigator] said even before beginning an inquiry that they don’t have any evidence to justify the arrest of those who did this. So he says even if the case is taken to any senior judge no arrests can be made. And I am a victim…so maybe, my word will not be believed…but, there are friends who had witnessed the attacks and reported to the authorities yet he has said just now they have no evidence received to justify an arrest.

My question is the statements put forward by my friends who witnessed these attacks…is that not enough evidence? I think that there is a very strong support being given to the DRP people in order to protect them.

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Velezinee Defends Adduvas’ Decision to Publish Details of Government Loans

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Adduvas editor Aishath Velezinee about her decision to expose parliamentarians and regime officials who took soft loans from President Gayoom.
In a press release last Thursday by spokesperson Mohamed Hussein Shareef (sent only to pro-regime dailies) the government denied any wrong-doing, claiming the soft loans reduced bribery and corruption among MPs and officials.
In a thirteen-point rebuttal, Shareef claimed that loans schemes are made available to staff working in government institutions in many countries. He said Adduvas’ exposure of the soft loans scheme was “disrespectful” to the dignity of the individuals involved.
“To take a loan is not a crime. It is also not theft. Banks also give out loans. Money given out as loans is money that has to be returned. And as a private individual it is not revealed who has taken out the loan, nor are the figures of such loans revealed to the public. To protect the dignity of individuals it is a universal human right. Hence, to violate a financial right is a violation of that individual’s right,” he said.
“It is not apparent that Adduvas has given to the public the relevant information regarding the loan schemes. It is also evident that no attempt was made to inform regarding the mortgaging of properties, the conditions under which the loans were granted, not the way this scheme is operated and for what reasons.
“Enough information regarding the loans was already available so there was no need to give and further details,” Shareef stated.
Speaking to Minivan News, Velezinee defended Adduvas’ decision to publish the soft loans exposé.
“I cannot understand why, if the privacy issue did not arise when the finance minister revealed in parliament details of loans given from account 2003 [payments to pro-regime newspapers], why privacy should be an issue when information is made public with reference to account number 2060 [payments to pro-regime MPs and officials],” she said.
Velezinee said she was not worried about her wellbeing and the wellbeing of the magazine for having raised such a sensitive issue. “When we first published, I didn’t know what might happen next. After two weeks they [the government] came up with this statement, probably after pressure from heavy-weights in the government who are mentioned in the article. I didn’t feel threatened by the statement. I think it is silly at this late stage for them to come out with this statement. They should have reacted at the beginning if they had a problem, not after two weeks.”
“Getting this information was unexpected. It landed in my lap. It was being kept quiet by the government. We picked Majlis members who had received loans who were sitting in the People’s Majlis. Why were they given loans at this time? Also, presidential office staff and the Commissioner of Police [were given loans] and they have not paid back a single cent. Adam Zahir got the second loan just after the 2003 Maafushi Jail shootings. When he was being investigated, he was given Rf. 2 million. Why?
“There is a lot more information that we have. The government’s statement said that in all other countries government’s give people loans. But, if this is a public service why are loans at 6% interest it not available to the general public, who have to take bank loans out at a rate of 12% interest. Why aren’t these loans available to the rest of us?
When asked what her thoughts were on the recent announcement that military personnel are banned from reading Minivan, Fiyes and Adduvas, Velezinee said the announcement was unconstitutional.
“It is an attempt by the military to undermine the constitution by prohibiting freedom of expression. I sent a letter to the Minister of Information and copied it to the Attorney-General and the Defence Minister. The military’s letter claimed that Minivan, Fiyes and Adduvas are trying to bring down the government, which is completely false. If it was the case, this country has laws to close media down so why are we still publishing? We have heard before that detainees are banned from reading Adduvas, we took that matter up in our letter too.
Velezinee was asked if she believed the government’s claims to support press freedom.
“I would love to believe ‘New Maldives’. This young blood, they are trying to mingle with the people, in cafés and tea houses. They are talking reform but we are not seeing this in practice. New Maldives is talking about freedoms but others, such as the military and police, are acting against people enjoying these freedoms.”
“There is a big discrepancy between what one person in the cabinet is saying and what others are doing. Is it that there is a new Maldives and an old Maldives inside the cabinet? Are there splits inside the cabinet? Some Ministers are talking about this reform, while their colleagues are doing something different.”

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Adduvas editor Aishath Velezinee about her decision to expose parliamentarians and regime officials who took soft loans from President Gayoom.

In a press release last Thursday by spokesperson Mohamed Hussein Shareef (sent only to pro-regime dailies) the government denied any wrong-doing, claiming the soft loans reduced bribery and corruption among MPs and officials.

In a thirteen-point rebuttal, Shareef claimed that loans schemes are made available to staff working in government institutions in many countries. He said Adduvas’ exposure of the soft loans scheme was “disrespectful” to the dignity of the individuals involved.

“To take a loan is not a crime. It is also not theft. Banks also give out loans. Money given out as loans is money that has to be returned. And as a private individual it is not revealed who has taken out the loan, nor are the figures of such loans revealed to the public. To protect the dignity of individuals it is a universal human right. Hence, to violate a financial right is a violation of that individual’s right,” he said.

“It is not apparent that Adduvas has given to the public the relevant information regarding the loan schemes. It is also evident that no attempt was made to inform regarding the mortgaging of properties, the conditions under which the loans were granted, not the way this scheme is operated and for what reasons.

“Enough information regarding the loans was already available so there was no need to give and further details,” Shareef stated.

Speaking to Minivan News, Velezinee defended Adduvas’ decision to publish the soft loans exposé.

“I cannot understand why, if the privacy issue did not arise when the finance minister revealed in parliament details of loans given from account 2003 [payments to pro-regime newspapers], why privacy should be an issue when information is made public with reference to account number 2060 [payments to pro-regime MPs and officials],” she said.

Velezinee said she was not worried about her wellbeing and the wellbeing of the magazine for having raised such a sensitive issue. “When we first published, I didn’t know what might happen next. After two weeks they [the government] came up with this statement, probably after pressure from heavy-weights in the government who are mentioned in the article. I didn’t feel threatened by the statement. I think it is silly at this late stage for them to come out with this statement. They should have reacted at the beginning if they had a problem, not after two weeks.”

“Getting this information was unexpected. It landed in my lap. It was being kept quiet by the government. We picked Majlis members who had received loans who were sitting in the People’s Majlis. Why were they given loans at this time? Also, presidential office staff and the Commissioner of Police [were given loans] and they have not paid back a single cent. Adam Zahir got the second loan just after the 2003 Maafushi Jail shootings. When he was being investigated, he was given Rf. 2 million. Why?

“There is a lot more information that we have. The government’s statement said that in all other countries government’s give people loans. But, if this is a public service why are loans at 6% interest it not available to the general public, who have to take bank loans out at a rate of 12% interest. Why aren’t these loans available to the rest of us?

When asked what her thoughts were on the recent announcement that military personnel are banned from reading Minivan, Fiyes and Adduvas, Velezinee said the announcement was unconstitutional.

“It is an attempt by the military to undermine the constitution by prohibiting freedom of expression. I sent a letter to the Minister of Information and copied it to the Attorney-General and the Defence Minister. The military’s letter claimed that Minivan, Fiyes and Adduvas are trying to bring down the government, which is completely false. If it was the case, this country has laws to close media down so why are we still publishing? We have heard before that detainees are banned from reading Adduvas, we took that matter up in our letter too.

Velezinee was asked if she believed the government’s claims to support press freedom.

“I would love to believe ‘New Maldives’. This young blood, they are trying to mingle with the people, in cafés and tea houses. They are talking reform but we are not seeing this in practice. New Maldives is talking about freedoms but others, such as the military and police, are acting against people enjoying these freedoms.”

“There is a big discrepancy between what one person in the cabinet is saying and what others are doing. Is it that there is a new Maldives and an old Maldives inside the cabinet? Are there splits inside the cabinet? Some Ministers are talking about this reform, while their colleagues are doing something different.”

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