Author: Minivan News

Torture victim Abdulla Mahir, who made headlines earlier this month after throwing an egg at President Gayoom during the latter’s official trip to Britain, has vowed to continue his campaign of direct action against the president.

During an exclusive interview with Minivan News in London, Mahir said he would continue to hound Gayoom “until he takes responsibility for what he has done.”

Mahir is demanding that the president affords him “justice and compensation” for injuries Mahir says he sustained at the hands of Gayoom’s security services.

“Every time Gayoom comes to Britain I will confront him,” said Mahir, who has been awarded refugee status in the United Kingdom and granted indefinite leave to remain in the country.

Broken Spine

‘Backbone’ Mahir, as he is ominously referred to by his friends, coined the nickname after his spine was broken by Gayoom’s National Security Service (NSS) guards in on 18 January 1995, his eighteenth birthday.

The interrogation team that Mahir says tortured him was headed by former NSS Sergeant – and now Islamic Democratic Party chief – Umar Naseer.

“Umar Naseer came forward and punched me in the side of the face. Immediately after that Atheef picked me up from my belt and threw me to the floor. I tried to stand but they started kicking me with their military boots. My two friends with me were made to remain sitting in their chairs while I was being beaten.” That is one of the milder extracts from Mahir’s horrific testimony of his time courtesy of the NSS.

Mahir holds Umar Naseer – who denies charges of using torture during his NSS career – responsible for his injuries. Mahir also says Gayoom is culpable because he headed the regime that left Mahir permanently disabled.

Egg Attack

Mahir threw the egg during a Presidential address to the Royal Commonwealth Society in London. Gayoom was nearing the end of a speech on climate change when Mahir, sitting two rows back in the audience, took aim and released his projectile.

Mahir was quickly apprehended by Gayoom’s Maldivian security personnel before he was able to throw a second egg at the president. British police arrived on the scene soon afterwards and took Mahir into custody.

Mahir says he asked officials at the Commonwealth Society to call the British police because he was fearful of the president’s Maldivian personal security guards, who Mahir says manhandled him following the egg attack.

“One man grabbed my neck and head and another tried to hit me,” Mahir said, recounting the incident that has made him famous across the Maldives. “They were pushing their fists into my face and threatening me. When they took me outside of the hall, I thought they would beat me up.”

But Commonwealth Society staff intervened and, according to Mahir, told Gayoom’s security guards to “leave him alone” and “calm down.”

The Commonwealth Society staff took Mahir into a room. The presidential security guards were told to wait outside. “I asked the staff to call English police otherwise Gayoom’s people might do something,” Mahir said.

“When the police came, they said they were there to ‘protect all citizens of this country’ and told me ‘nothing will happen to you.’”

The police asked Mahir why he threw the egg at the president. Mahir explained that it was a protest against the torture he suffered at the hands of Gayoom’s security forces.

The Commonwealth Society staff allegedly confirmed to the police that the egg hit Gayoom on the left hand side of the chest and splattered across his jacket.

A Laughing Matter

“The police took me to Charing Cross Police Station. They said they had to arrest me because it is common assault to hit a person with an egg. The police said that if the egg had missed, they would not have arrested me,” said Mahir.

“The police released me after questioning and said I have to return to the station on 21 August to see if Gayoom has decided to press charges.”

“The police treated me very nicely. One officer said to me ‘I hope things work out in your favour.’”

“Another policeman was laughing throughout the interview,” Mahir added.

“It was 99% different being under British custody compared to being questioned by Maldivian police. The interview technique was different. I was allowed my lawyer to sit with me throughout the interview and the whole thing was tape recorded. At the end, my lawyer was given a copy of the tape recording. Then a doctor and a nurse came to check that Gayoom’s bodyguards hadn’t hurt me.”

Abdulla Mahir Vs Maumoon Gayoom?

Mahir says he hopes President Gayoom decides to press charges against him. He points out that his defence lawyers would be given a copy of the prosecution’s evidence, which would likely include a video recording of the moment when the egg hit the president. The incident was almost certainly captured by the president’s cameraman but the tape has not been made public.

During a trial, the judge may ask for the video images to be shown in court. Mahir says he relishes the prospect of inviting journalists to observe the trial, “So the whole of Maldives can watch the video of the President being hit by an egg.”

If convicted of common assault, Mahir will be issued with a fine or asked to do community service, a punishment that involves civic work such as cleaning graffiti from walls. However, Mahir would most likely be issued with a small fine, as his disability would almost certainly preclude him from carrying out community service.

“Gayoom’s people can’t interfere with justice here, like they do in Maldives. If Gayoom’s people try to interfere with the British legal system, they will be arrested,” Mahir warned.

Quest For Justice

Mahir says he wants compensation from Gayoom for the physical and mental torture that he endured and for the knock-on impact that had on his education.

“Every time Gayoom comes to Britain I will confront him. I can do lots of things to embarrass him. I can go and ask him difficult questions in public; I can shout and throw eggs. He can’t stop me here because Britain is a democracy.”

Mahir believes his vocal stand against Gayoom will “give people more courage” in the Maldives. “I want people to have the courage to protest against Gayoom – but nicely and without violence.”

“I was very close to the President. I could have hit him in the face with that egg. But I was being nice, I didn’t want to hurt his eyes,” Mahir said.

“And I won’t give up. Whether Gayoom is president or not, I will confront him. He has to take responsibility for dozens of people like me who were tortured under his regime.”

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For eight days in June, Maldivians woke to news of an ever growing hunger strike in Maafushi prison, as inmates demanded improved conditions and rehabilitation for drug addicts.

The strike started with the death of inmate Muslih Abbas during a prison break.

It ended with the country’s largest prison exposed as a place where inmates exercise control, everything is available at a price, and guards and police ignore inmates to fight out their own rivalry.

One of the strike leaders, released from a month’s confinement in Dhoonidhoo for his role, tells Minivan News what really happened to Muslih, why inmates went on strike, and how a government “culture change” is needed to control drugs.

”No Control, Nothing To Do”

“Maafushi is like a government funded resort to produce hardened criminals. There is nothing to do, and for a hundred rufiyaa you can bribe a guard to bring you anything you want.” says ‘Moosa’ (name changed.)

The prison is divided into six blocks, with the largest containing just over a hundred inmates. But within each block prisoners have complete freedom.

“All the guard stations are positioned outside. They can’t see what’s going on inside. And because they have no secure space inside, they can only enter in numbers, in force. The way the blocks are laid out forces confrontation.”

In March and April this year, inmates were given control of the whole prison when guards retreated to their quarters in one corner of the island. “I was amazed, but others told me it had happened several times over the years,” says Moosa.

“And it was official. The warden came out and said: as long as you stay within the perimeter you can move between blocks. It was only when people started escaping that they forced us back into our blocks.”

”We decided to break them out”

After Star Force [paramilitary police] were brought to Maafushi in April to restore control, twenty inmates were isolated in Maafushi’s notorious Unit Two. Prisoners are kept in unventilated four by eight feet cells twenty four hours a day, often two at a time.

The treatment of prisoners in Unit Two has caused prisoner breaks in the past, and Moosa says it triggered the June breakout.

“People in Unit Two told us guards had thrown hot water and coffee on Majood Riyaz while he was praying. Majood is a quiet guy who everyone got on with.”

“We had already been speaking to the guards and saying the twenty men had been isolated long enough, and to let them back, so we decided to break them out.”

Individual men from each block climbed their boundary walls and then opened gates to let out fellow inmates. Over two hours between 8 and 10pm the locks to the cells in unit two were broken and the twenty men freed.

“By the time they came he was dead”

“Afterwards some of us were taking charge of getting people back into the blocks, and we saw the last few had broken into the pharmacy to get drugs. There’s no denying it. It’s a fact. Muslih was one of the people who took drugs.”

“But by 11pm we were back in our cells. We called the guards and told them to lock us back in, and things were calm.”

“A few hours later we heard Muslih couldn’t breathe and was lying on a mattress outside his cell. We were all back in our blocks and begging the guards to come but they didn’t. By the time they came he was dead.”

Media Campaign

“That night people in my block were pretty down. At about 3am some of my friends were taking their usual fix. Some of us got upset and decided we should do something about this.”

“We spent a few hours getting support and at 5.30am we told the guards we were on hunger strike, and wanted the Human Rights Commission to come to the island so we could tell them our grievances.”

Moosa explains how strikers made sure their message got out. Three men were charged with speaking to journalists and updating them regularly. Another man was responsible for telephone negotiations with officials.

The strategy worked. With the media so informed, the DPRS had to break their silence after three days and admit a strike was taking place.

And the government gifted the strikers further coverage, when select journalists were invited to a high profile “clean up” operation.

Reporters saw at first hand drugs in every prison block, and prisoners in total control. Inmates’ claims about conditions in Maafushi were proved credible.

Azima Shukoor, the deputy home minister, was dispatched to the island. She acknowledged a list of grievances, and conceded the government had reneged on promises made in 2003 to implement rehabilitation for drug offenders.

Hollow Victory?

But for all the media attention, little has changed since. Thasmeen Ali was shifted from the Home Ministry to the equally powerful Atolls Ministry,

He has been replaced as Home Minister by the staunch loyalist Abdullah Kamal Deen, even less likely to challenge Police Chief Adam Zahir on prisons reform.

The long promised rehabilitation centre on Maafushi is still not open. Prisoners are now being allowed to go abroad for treatment at their own expense, “but not many people can afford that,” says Moosa.

And there is still nothing do in prison. “There used to be a library, but since before I arrived its been used for office space.”

“There was a gym we could use. But in June [2006] when the Star Force [paramilitary police] arrived on the island, they took all the equipment to use in their quarters.”

“There is absolutely no way to study.”

What Next?

But though the strike ended in chaos with Moosa and sixty other “leaders” transferred to Dhoonidhoo, he says it was worth the sacrifice. “The thinking of a lot of prisoners has changed.”

“Before most prisoners couldn’t think beyond Maafushi. Now they see a return to society as a real option, and they are demanding help to get there.”

The change in prisoners’ outlook needs to be matched by the government, says Moosa.

“The government simply doesn’t have the will to tackle rehabilitation. Its been promised for five years, so where is it?”

Moosa says the problem can be traced back to the state’s reaction to the arrival of drugs in the 1990s.

“When hard drugs first started arriving, the first stage should have been treatment. But drugs, and drug users, were criminalised. There are still these ridiculous penalties. Twenty years, thirty years, life, for taking something.”

“People need to change the way they think. They need to believe a second chance is possible for drug addicts. Otherwise we are giving up on a lot of people.”

“One generation has been lost,” Moosa says. “But its not too late to save the next one.”

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In June Dr Mohamed Munavvar won what was expected to be a tight contest with Ibrahim Hussein Zaki for the leadership of the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party, by a landslide.

Munavvar’s victory triggered a war of words between members from Addu and Malé, the Maldives two most populous and developed atolls. Adduans claimed the party hierarchy did not want an outsider as leader, while critics of Dr Munavvar said he was too closely associated with President Gayoom’s regime, and had never shown sufficient commitment to the street protests that are the bedrock of the MDP.

But while Munavvar’s election highlighted divisions, he had stood on a platform of unity, promising to work closely with his rival Zaki, and the party chairman Mohamed Nasheed (Anni). Last week he unveiled his first shadow cabinet which did not include any of his personal supporters, and he has won high praise from Anni so far.

In his first full interview since becoming MDP President, Dr Munavvar commits himself to the MDP’s brand of direct action and reaffirms the party’s priority is to topple President Gayooom. But he also promises under his leadership the MDP will offer Maldivians a vision of how the party would run the country.

Protest and Policy

Dr Munavvar confronts concerns about his leadership head on. “People are right to say I have not been physically present at street demonstrations. But my position is clear. The government has been forced to give in on a number of important issues, when people have taken direct action. I fully understand the value of direct action, especially in an oppressive political atmosphere.”

And he adds the words many MDP supporters have been demanding. “If direct action is needed to achieve any objective of the party, I will support it, and I will be at the forefront of it.”

He reaffirms, “the aim of the MDP is to overthrow Gayoom,” and warns “we cannot think we are in a functioning democracy.” But Munavvar also says people should not “view the MDP only as a party of protest.”

“When someone is asked what it would be like to live under an MDP government, they should be able to visualise clearly what the country will be like. There is a lot of ground to cover in this. We need to let people know what are our policies and how we will deliver them.”

Shared Leadership

And this is where his election posters, which contrasted a picture of Anni and Zaki under the banner, “Good,” with a second picture of Dr Munavvar alongside Anni and Zaki, under the banner, “Better,” begins to make sense.

“My addition to the leadership will be bringing the policies of the party to the people, convincing them of the sustainability of the policies, and our ability to deliver them.”

Munavvar emphasises the word “addition,” and he pays tribute to the contributions of Anni and Zaki to the party, reassuring both of their continued importance.

“Zaki’s experience in foreign affairs is crucial and will be used,” Munavvar says. Asked why Zaki has lost his foreign affairs portfolio in Munavvar’s shadow cabinet, he explains, “It is not appropriate for a personality like Zaki’s to be limited to a single portfolio. His role is wider than that and I will work very closely with him on every issue.”

On Anni’s role in the party, Munavvar is even more complimentary. “Anni has been part of the party since the very beginning. His contribution has been invaluable and no one should diminish it.” For the future, he says, “Anni’s role in organising and delivering on direct action will be very important.”

Unity

And Munavvar is quick to dismiss accusations Anni has a dictatorial approach to leadership.

“To build a party in a country where a regime has been in power for thirty years and is doing all it can to retain power is not easy. A lot of people are dependent on the government, and cannot do or say things they want to. In this situation a lot of things have had to be done by Anni.”

Munavvar says it is Anni’s willingness to take the lead which has led to criticisms of his style. Rejecting such criticisms, Munavvar instead says he recognises Anni’s “sacrifices.”

Munavvar accuses the government of “amplifying rifts between islands,” to divide the MDP. By encouraging Addu people to be suspicious of Malé people, such as Anni, and vice-versa, Munavvar says “the government tries to gain support for themselves instead.”

But, he reiterates, “The MDP belongs to its members and party constitution says it will not discriminate on the basis of the island or family a member is from.”

Learning Process

Munavvar has assembled his first shadow cabinet, in which six of his ten appointees are MPs. Conflict between MPs and the National Council, which in the past have been shorthand for constitutionalists and militants, has been a recurring problem for the MDP.

The party’s first president, the MP Ibrahim Ismail, resigned accusing the National Council and Anni of imposing militancy on MPs. While in November 2006, MPs warned party activists against using violence during a planned nationwide demonstration.

But Dr Munavvar says this apparent vulnerability of the party is actually a strength, a sign of “the tolerance of diversity of political opinion in the party.” Dr Munavvar says past clashes between the governing institutions of the party were part of a “learning process.”

“Politics is about making the right choices and the right compromises at the right time, and the relationships between organs of the party should reflect this.”

Unilateral

And Munavvar says the MDP’s internal debate contrasts favourably with the government’s Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP). He says President Gayoom’s recent unilateral declaration he will be the DRP’s presidential candidate in 2008, “showed a lack of knowledge of how the party system works and how people face elections.”

“People run in elections because they have a vision for the country and confidence in the people to trust this vision. But Gayoom has none of this. He says he is running because a party regulations says so, and this is the worst possible reason.”

But Munavvar welcomes Gayoom’s announcement, saying “it makes it easier to campaign for a parliamentary system,” in the August referendum to decide between a presidential and parliamentary system.

If Maldivians chose a parliamentary system in August, the post of president will be abolished, and Gayoom’s declaration will be meaningless. Munavvar says he is confident, “the people of this country will not tolerate Gayoom running in another election.”

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On 29 April the Maldivian National Congress (MNC) announced itself as a new reformist party with a full page advert in the opposition organ, Minivan Daily.With a media team arranging access to the party’s leader Mohamed (Monaza) Naeem, a website boasting revolutionary icons, and an orange “platform” leaflet, the party seems ready for business.

The party’s platform statement offers up a heady mix of radical democracy and socialist economics, promising “democracy will permeate relationships between people” and “social ownership of the Maldivian natural resources for the benefit of Maldivians.”

But the details of this program are far from worked out. Monaza says the Maldives needs “more privatisation,” before condemning “foreign investors who want short term gains.” And the “non-oppressive relationships within an Islamic framework,” promised in the MNC platform, turn out not to be as radically democratic as they sound.

Yet talking to Monaza, a coherent idea of the MNC does emerge. His idea, put simply, is that the country’s government should be accountable to Maldivians. But rather than the European political rhetoric of the platform, his vision for society springs from his Islamic faith, which, even in a short meeting, it is clear he takes very seriously.

Backstory

“If this party stands for one thing, it is that what happened to my father should never be allowed to happen to anyone else,” Monaza’s son, Muzaffar, the author of the party’s platform says with typical political flair. But with an understanding of Monaza’s personal motive for establishing the MNC, the party dose makes more sense.

Monaza‘s ex-wife Khadeeja Hassan is head of the powerful Maldives Monetary Authority, and a close friend of President Gayoom’s wife, Nashreena.

In 2004, Khadeeja successfully lobbied the Tourism Ministry to hand ownership of the Ranveli resort, joint-owned by herself and Naeem, to Khadeeja outright. The action was taken while Monaza was in Mecca on the Umra pilgrimage and thirteen of his personal and company bank accounts were frozen by the MMA.

Freedom

Unlike the established opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), when Monaza criticises “the holders of abusive political power,” he is more concerned with economic than political freedom.

“This country has no proper economic system,” he says. “The government should privatise and become a government alone, regulators of the economy.”

Instead, Monaza says, the government owns and runs the economy, controlling people through it. “You cannot say they do not know what they are doing. They have these policies which make everyone dependent, begging them for their daily bread.”

And Monaza says this is because, “the people in power feel if the Maldivians are breathing easily, if they have economic freedom and a fruitful life, it is a threat to the people in control.”

He says the problems of the economy are becoming increasingly apparent. On the recent drivers’ strike, Monaza says “the people of this country should recognise it as a first alarm. And soon there will be a blast if people don’t realise the gravity of the situation.”

Foreigners

When challenged on the contradictions between his call for privatisation, and the “social ownership” described in the party’s platform, Monaza reveals a strongly nationalist bent to MNC politics.

“Ultimately our islands are the property of Maldivian people,” Monaza says. But because, “foreigners are made welcome to buy whole islands, the Maldivian fellow becomes a slave to these foreign owners.”

“We do not want Maldivians to suffer anymore,” Monaza explains simply. And when the government stop selling resorts, “for short term economic benefit to just a few people,” he says Maldivians will grow rich off tourism.

“It’s not difficult,” Monaza promises, “all we need is for some experts to come in and overhaul the whole system, and there won’t be any poor men or beggars on the street anymore.”

Faith

Monaza’s Dhivehi pride is married to a strong Islamic faith. Asked whether women should be allowed to be judges, Monaza says, “as a nation practicing Islam for nearly a thousand years, all our positions should follow Muslim rules and regulations.” Indeed, “all the major problems in society are because we are not following religion properly.”

Monaza’s son tells me the day after the interview, “the party’s position on female judges is there should be no restriction. But what cases they can rule on, is a matter to be discussed at a higher level,” cleverly deferring the controversial part of the question to the Islamic Majlis or another body.

But Monaza himself is less guarded and works through the issue of women in society during the interview. “As a real Muslim it is very difficult to comment on this… But every court cannot have a judge as a woman. Women have different duties assigned by God. They have the capacity to take care of the family, home, and society, and it would be too much to ask them to make these decisions too.”

Peaceful Means

Monaza’s reformist zeal is relatively new. “As a senior citizen of this nation,” he confirms he has been regularly asked to join the government’s Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party, and has even attended some parliamentary group meetings, “to hear what President Gayoom has to say.”

“But I was not part of the party at all,” he says. And Monaza is now a critic of the DRP’s status as a ruling party, because no MPs were elected on a party ticket. “We never handed over power to a party called DRP, only to President Gayoom. The government should not be abusing power and setting up DRP as the ruling party, just because it is theirs.”

The MNC does not intend to steal the MDP’s clothes as the party of street protest. “In my mind I do not agree with such actions and things like that,” Monaza says. He hopes to carve out a political reputation by showing “reform can be delivered through the Majlis.”

Monaza was recently made head of the Business Committee of the Special Majlis, the body which has spent three long years agreeing a new constitution for the country.

“There are many things for [the Special Majlis] to do,” admits Monaza. But he says “by overhauling [the business committee] with new rules of procedure,” work on the constitution will accelerate.

According to Monaza, under Aneesa Ahmed, the former DRP chair of the committee, “we only met on the instructions of the [Special Majlis] speaker. Now the speaker must come to me and exchange views before we call a session.”

Yameen Links

The MNC has only officially existed since the Election Commission gave it permission to seek the 3,000 signatures required for registration in March. But in its short life, the party has become closely associated with Abdullah Yameen, the President’s half brother, and his People’s Association (PA).

Although the PA is not formally a political party, it is considered a faction within the People’s and Special Majlis. Monaza is on the governing council of the PA, and follows the PA line in parliament.

“We are not building this party as their house,” Monaza says. And he emphasises, “the party is funded completely by my own business.” Or, as his son points out, “we are not for sale.”

But Monaza does not rule out the possibility of Yameen becoming leader of the party and an MNC presidential candidate, “he has not joined us yet and we would look at the question at that point.”

In the meantime, Monaza confirms he has a close political relationship with Yameen. “Mr Yameen is a good politician and any little things we can do for reform, we will do.”

The combination of Monaza’s faith and his son’s political savvy could make for an interesting new political party. But whether the public take the MNC seriously as a party in its own right may well depend on the development of its political relationship with Yameen and the PA.

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Last week pioneering opposition radio station Minivan Radio failed to secure a frequency to broadcast in the Maldives, leading local media, including ourselves, to question its viability.

Reflecting on the failed frequency bid, the radio’s editor Shaheeda Fathimath tells MN there are no plans to close the station.

She robustly defends the station’s independence, distancing it from both Minivan Daily and Minivan News, and controversially calls for the other organisations to change their names.

And she admits Minivan Radio would sign the Information Ministry’s Agreement to secure broadcasting in the Maldives.

Future’s Bright

“Minivan Radio’s future is very, very bright. We will not stop,” Shaheeda says emphatically.

“There are many options to continue,” she argues, pointing out the one hour daily broadcasts are still available to download from the internet.

Until now Minivan Radio has been the only alternative to government broadcaster Voice of Maldives. But after last week’s distribution of FM frequencies, a number of competitors will be broadcasting on FM twenty-four hours a day.

“Even if they have an alternative people will go for Minivan Radio,” Shaheeda says. “The people have accepted Minivan Radio. It is the people’s radio. They trust it.”

Shaheeda lists Short Wave broadcasts and selling content to other stations as possible revenue raising options. But it is clear she still sees FM broadcasting as the way forward. “TAM have said they have more reserved frequencies. We can always ask them again.”

Credibility

To begin broadcasting, companies must sign an agreement with the Information Ministry, which will regulate radio. Shaheeda argues the agreement is incompatible with independence.

“I don’t believe in the Agreement. I don’t believe in the Content Committee [the body established by the Agreement to regulate content]. I don’t believe in the Minister selecting eight members for the Content Committee. If that’s the case its not fair.”

“We cannot have an independent media unless we have it on [the government’s] terms, and this is not democracy,” she says. “If someone abides by this Agreement, they cannot be independent.”

No Choice

Last week Shaheeda criticised the distribution of frequencies by blind auction.

“I have already proved I can run a radio. I have been doing this for three years,” she said. “But these frequencies are for the rich. They don’t care as long as they can get money out of this. It is a commercial venture.”

But beyond the rhetoric, Shaheeda accepts the commercialisation of radio and agrees, “in some ways it is a positive development.”

“I’m not criticising commercial broadcasters. I don’t have anything against them. I am for them and I am with them. If I had money to compete with them, I would.”

The problem for Shaheeda is not that frequencies were sold commercially, but that broadcasters will have to sign the Information Ministry Agreement.

But she says broadcasters have no choice, and Minivan Radio too would sign the agreement if they had won a frequency.

“I would sign an agreement. I have no choice. It means I will be more like the state media. I will have to make compromises.”

“This is the hard part,” she laments. “There are a lot of people who call me and tell me not to sign an agreement, but it is the only way. And if I sign it, that means I have to abide by it.”

Independence

Minivan Radio has often been accused of being anti-government, a charge which Shaheeda emphatically denies.

“We give the people the news. We try to get the whole angle on it. This includes the government. We try. Everytime we try. But they don’t cooperate and they don’t give us information.”

Although Shaheeda will not reveal the names of Minivan Radio’s funders as “they would get hurt,” she says funders have never interfered with editorial.

“If someone wants to help Minivan Radio, I say there can be no conditions. I tell them even if you call me once and ask me to change something, I will quit.”

Which Minivan

Shaheeda wants to distance Minivan Radio from Minvan Daily and Minivan News. “All the time people think that Minivan Radio and Minivan Daily are together. But we don’t have the same editorial policy, we don’t have the same management, we are independent.”

But with all three organisations operating from the same premises and sharing the same name, Shaheeda admits it is hard to establish any distance.

“I have tried many times to change the premises. I have asked many people to give me an apartment but they are quoting so much more than I pay that I can’t.”

And she says the other two organisations should not have taken on the Minivan name. “I am the one who started Minivan. First came Minivan Radio three years ago, then Minivan News and then Minivan Daily. I don’t know how and I don’t know why Minivan Daily got my logo. I have a problem with that.”

“I wish Minivan Daily would change their name. I wish Minivan News would change their name. I am not asking them to, but I wish it would happen.”

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Leaders of the Adhaalath party approached the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) to discuss an alliance against President Gayoom in 2006, Ahmed Ibrahim Didi (Sandhaanu Didi), has told Minivan News.

Didi was Adhaalath’s Political Advisor until he quit the party to rejoin the MDP last week. He says he only joined Adhaalath in July 2006 “to take it in a good political direction” and forge an alliance with the MDP. But “high ranking officials” in Adhaalath were put off by the MDP’s tactics of protest and demonstration.

According to Didi, Adhaalath’s priority is now religion, and the MDP is the only party committed to political reform.

Common Ground

When he joined Adhaalath in July 2006, Didi says its leaders were aware he intended to forge a political alliance with the MDP.

“I didn’t approach them, they actively sought me out,” Didi says. “They knew I was not religious in the sense of being able to give sermons like them… I told them very frankly, I am not from your category, why should I go with you? We will have different opinions.”

“But they said we will work together… They believed I could give political sermons in this country… They believed in me. They knew I dad political intentions… and I wanted to take [the party] in a political direction.”

And, Didi says, in July last year, the MDP were equally enthusiastic about the possibility of an alliance. “I talked to Mr Zaki [the Acting MDP President] about this as soon as I joined Adhaalath. He welcomed it. He said even before I approached him, they themselves [Adhaalath leaders] had approached him.”

Didi says he did not believe the religious character of the Adhaalath party should prevent an alliance on “political common ground.”

“I was not from a religious party and, from the beginning, Anni [the MDP Chairman] he was a political man. We were doing what we were doing. Adhaalath were doing something else from the beginning.”

But, “they have registered as a political party. They have supporters from society.” And “their ambition is the same as MDP… to overthrow Gayoom. They are not with the government. I am 100% sure. They are against the government.” So, “together we could work on this political ground.”

Arab Money

Didi wanted Adhaalath to assist the MDP’s attempts to win support in the international community, and support its demonstrations on the street.

“I suggested to them, why don’t we go to Sri Lanka and give a helping hand to Anni when he talks to the embassies.”

Didi believed Adhaalath’s religious character could be used to win financial support from the Middle East. “I said… with beards… if we go to Arabia, we can also get something. Now Gayoom is just taking money from them in our name. So why don’t we go? Why don’t we stop it?”

He attended most MDP protests during his short time in Adhaalath and asked the party leaders, “why don’t you come to the street and join the MDP. Why don’t you allow me to hoist the Adhaalath flag [at protests].”

“My Aim Had Failed”

“With my work with, in my opinion, Adhaalath could have been a better party than they are now,” Didi says. But his attempt to make Adhaalath play a more active political role was frustrated.

“Top-ranking [Adhaalath] officials are not interested” in an alliance, Didi says. “The MDP is coming on to the street. But they [the Adhaalath officials] feel this is something very bad. They don’t want this.”

Although Didi did not officially leave Adhaalath until last week, on the day he rejoined the MDP, he says he stopped working for Adhaalath at the end of 2006.

“I believe in these [Adhaalath] people and highly respect them for their religious work. I respect what they are doing… But I don’t think its enough… It’s a political party, and must work as such.” Didi explains. “I didn’t join just to go preaching Islamic sermons with them.”

Didi says he told Adhaalath leaders, “Gayoom is not listening to us. We cannot bring reform while we site in an air-conditioned room… We cannot just write. We have to pressure him somehow.” But, he says, “Adhaalath was just keeping quiet.”

By the end of 2006, the MDP and Adhaalath were publicly attacking each other. Adhaalath accused the MDP of being Christian missionaries at a public rally in September and complained that MDP Chairman Anni had publicly attacked them in a media interview.

Religious Appeal?

The two parties have since drifted towards religious and political identities. Adhaalath delivers political messages through fatwas and religious sermons, making it impossible for the government to control them, while MDP activists are regularly arrested for political activities.

Didi accepts Ahdaalath’s religious tactics can be effective. “Some MDP members say that Adhaalath is on the right track,” he admits, “in the case of Hussein Salah, religious pronouncements were very effective.”

But he says Adhaalath’s religious statements are powerful because they are critical of President Gayoom. “I feel [people] are going to Adhaalath to hear Hussain Rasheed [Adhaalath’s President] be highly critical of Gayoom. Only some of them go for the sermons.”

Didi says the MDP is right to continue its political campaign and should not imitate Ahdaalath’s religious tactics. “There is no question of religion. These are political affairs we have to deal with. We should not bring religious and political affairs together.”

And he believes Maldivians remain supportive of the MDP. “Sometimes they [Adhaalath leaders] feel they are popular enough without the MDP. But I don’t feel that… I don’t think in the coming election, if they do not change their policy, they will be winning.”

***

Throughout his interview, Didi says he shares Adhaalath’s view of a Muslim society. “I am a pure Muslim. I have no disagreement with Adhaalath on Islam… they are my friends.”

He pinpoints one difference between himself and his former colleagues. “Adhaalath want a good Islamic society. I want an Islamic society, but without Gayoom.”

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He speaks of himself in the third person, breaks into a smile and jumps to attention for no apparent reason and is an ever present at opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) meetings.

He says he is 88 years old. Before he said he was 84. Reports had him down as 73, and his identity card records him as 65. Whatever age he is, he is a local celebrity amongst those who know him.

MDP officials describe him as a pest, a character, a hero, an inspiration. They made a special exception for him to attend last year’s national congress.

But Ismail Mohamed (Ismailbe’) was arrested on April 29 for distributing leaflets and has just completed a week under house arrest. He was detained for distributing copies of a statement of the family of the late Hussein Salah, which police said “are banned and will create disharmony.” He was released last Saturday.

Ismailbe’ has lived under seven different heads of state in the Maldives, he says. But none, according to him, have been as bad as President Gayoom.

Work To Eat

Because he is hard of hearing, our interpreter shouts questions in Ismailbe’s ear. He bellows back answers, banging on the desk and gesturing as he communicates his disdain for the present government.

“I told them I was doing this work so I can eat but they didn’t believe me,” Ismailbe’ says of his arrest. “There is no single office in the government where I haven’t submitted to find a job, even at my age. I have been refused all jobs in the government and I have no way of earning money.”

“Now I am paid a little for distributing MDP leaflets. I rely on the money I earn from the MDP for distributing leaflets and money from well wishers to live and eat.”

No Respect

“I had been distributing the press release on Hussein Salah’s family for three days, when the police came to get me. I was standing near the STO building, and I had just three more to distribute when they came,” Ismailbe says.

Ismailbe’ was taken to Atoluvehi detention centre on Malé for interrogation by the police. “I told them I had never been jailed or taken into custody. But the police showed me no respect. They didn’t care about my age.”

“They kept asking me why I was handing out leaflets, but they didn’t believe me when I said I was doing it for basic income. So I refused to answer their questions.”

“I was not given any food from 10am till 6pm. I was shivering because the air conditioning was on so high. I asked several times for food and to turn the air conditioning down but they ignored me.”

In the evening, Ismailbe’ was taken from Atoluvehi to his house, where he was to remain under house arrest. “The police threatened my wife telling them if Ismailbe’ gets out of the house, we will take you in as well,” he says.

He was summoned back to Atoluvehi once more days after his arrest. “They took me in to take my fingerprints,” he says. “They have a procedure where I had to place each finger to leave a print. They told me to press down harder and I did as hard as I could. But they hit my hands and forced them lower. They had no respect.”

Weakness

“It is a sign of weakness that Gayoom has to arrest an eighty-eight year old,” Ismailbe’ says. “He will not last long.”

Ismailbe’ recalls, “When Maumoon first came to power everybody thought he was very good. Everybody had high hopes. Now everybody is mad because of that. Because he promised he would clean things up.”

Ismailbe’ blames Gayoom’s failure on greed. “The moment Gayoom started to change was the moment the Maldives started to get a lot of money. The government takes all this money and gives very little to the people. He [President Gayoom] gives huge sums to his cronies. The government is just hoarding funds and beating people up.”

And Ismailbe’ is scathing of the President’s attitude to Islam, “Gayoom doesn’t love religion. He always talks about it, but he does nothing according to it,” he says.

“Of the seven heads of state I have lived under, I have never seen anyone as torturous as Gayoom,” Ismailbe goes on, and he ends our discussion, warning, “Torturers do not change.”

Unity

Ismailbe’ rejects the notion that party politics and agitation over events like Hussein Salah’s death are dividing the country.

“I am being arrested because the party system is not being implemented, not because of the party system,” he says. “When party system comes to power, everyone should be happy”

Ismailbe’ is adamant that, “Everyone I meet on the street, even the women, support the work I do to create the party system.”

Ismailbe’ recalls a time before politics and modern life came to Malé. “There were grapefruit trees, mango trees and unpaved roads. A grapefruit cost 5 laari, and a tuna fish cost 10 laari… people were very happy despite hardship and took every opportunity to celebrate.”

But he says the country must look forward to democracy.

My Life For Freedom

“The police will probably arrest me again. But I won’t stop doing my work for the MDP. Its not just about me, I do it for the people. I would give my life for this cause,” Ismailbe’ wails.

Asked about what an MDP government can deliver to the people, he replies, “The MDP will put a smile on people’s faces.” When pushed, he says, “they will sort out the drugs problem and stop students being victimised.”

But he is most fluent when talking about the party’s Chairman and figurehead, Mohamed Nasheed (Anni). “Anni is Chairman and President of the party,” he says, despite the looming MDP Presidential election in which Anni is not standing. “He is like a son to me, and I would do anything for that man.”

And he is confident the MDP will not be allowed to repeat the mistakes of the current regime, “If they do not perform, the people will throw them out and have another election.”

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Umar Naseer, leader of the Islamic Democratic Party, unveiled his presidential campaign and manifesto last Friday, on his 40th birthday.

Having just submitted 5000 more signatures to the Elections Commissioner, he has big ambitions for himself and his party. His twelve point manifesto prescribes democracy with conservative and Islamic values for the Maldives, the construction of four new regional cities, and tough measures on drugs.

A former police officer, with an imposing physique and a sharp stare, he acknowledges that he is a “self-styled hard man.”

When asked if his manifesto seems “slightly dictatorial,” he says: “It is…not, it is, I would say these are measures that you need in time.”

Torture

Dealing with the allegations of torture that have marred his political career, he says: “For everybody there will be an allegation. In my case I have been a police officer. I think I have been a police officer who is tough. I am not a soft cop, I am a tough cop and my policies are that I will stop criminals by using all the authorities given.

“And the allegation on me is that I have broken the backbone of some Mahir or some fellow. My response to that has always been that I have always maintained that Mr Mahir is a drug dealer. He has been sentenced to prison for over 18 years on those same charges. By his own confession he is a drug dealer, a drug addict. And to stop such people cops have to react and under my command my contingents have reacted to arrest him and on my order he has been arrested.

“But I have never ordered anyone to break his backbone and myself personally I have never done anything to anybody…I did not do it all and I am ready to take oath. Placing my hand on the Koran I am ready to take oath. I am doubtful that Mahir will be able to take the same oath on the same Koran,” he says.

But he says the Maldivian Democratic Party’s claim that torture has been rife in the Maldives Police Service during his time in the organisation is “baseless” and “pure propaganda.” When asked about the Evan Naseem killing, he retorts: “Evan Naseem, of course, it is not only in Maldives that you have these kind of isolated matters in police prisons.

“That allegation is going to continue always because MDP has a strategy of overthrowing the government by taking away the police authority. This is a very common thing in communism. When communism came to the world, the communist infiltrators tried to discredit the police and the army so that the army and the police cannot react and then they will attack the government officials and then take over the government.

“So the same tactic today is being used by MDP to make sure the authority of the police is reduced so they don’t react when they go and try and topple the government. I am a trained intelligence officer, and I know how they do it, and how the communists did it in other countries and what are the tactics of MDP today,” he claims.

Drugs

“I will still be tough on drug dealers like Mahir. I have no regret in arresting him and further in future if I have the position of the Presidency, I will not only arrest Mahir, I will arrest all drug dealers and make sure I clean up the streets,” says Mr Naseer.

One of the main points of the IDP manifesto is its hard stance on drugs. “Today we need some tough policies on certain areas, especially on drugs, because the whole Maldives would cease to exist in a hundred years if we don’t stop this,” he says.

“I would take the example of Botswana. 40% of the citizens are HIV positive so 20 years down the line if 40% of Maldivians are drug addicts, what would be the result? I am sure another country would come and take over Maldives,” he claims.

Mr Naseer prescribes some harsh penalties for drugs – death sentence for importers, ten years imprisonment for dealers and confiscation of all their property. The money made from the confiscation will then go into an anti-drug fund. Rehabilitation will be compulsory, and nobody will be above the law, in Mr Naseer’s vision of the Maldives.

Religion

He believes that his conservative and tough policies will be attractive to the average Maldivian. “We believe that if we are able to present the manifesto to the grass roots, it will have a very good reception,” he says.

Mr Naseer says that as a 100% Muslim country, the Maldives is in a rare situation shared only by Saudi Arabia, and so it requires a special version of democracy. Secularism, pluralism, homosexuality, abortion and alcohol are all out, and national unity will remain “a very important priority.”

“Secularism is not something for Maldives. Secularism is a pill. It is a medicine, very good for countries with multi-race, multi-religion, multi-culture. But if this pill is given to a wrong patient, like Maldives, where we have a single religion for the past 400 years, then this pill can cause irritation in your stomach. So this secularism is not good for Maldives.

“We want to retain one religion, one race, and one language policy. That means was all speak in Dhivehi, we all belong to our race, and then we have one religion.

“I am sure all the political parties would agree with me on these points but the question I show committed are people when you have to really defend that,” he says.

But in the religious society of the Maldives, Mr Naseer believes there should be less political influence on the scholars, and intends to make religious advisory bodies independent. He also believes the scholars should be free from the influence of fundamentalism.

“I think religious radicalism is going to be a serious problem to the Maldives after narcotics – religious fundamentalism I call it. I am sure it is going to be a very serious problem for the Maldives and this is why you need a very tough person for the next president. The next president cannot be a soft guy.

“What we have to do is we have to draw a line that they cannot pass. And when they pass the line we have to punish them…the problem with the current government is that they don’t punish people when they cross the lines.

“The law is not being followed today. The law is being applied on certain people and certain people are let go. Recently there was a murder in Himandhoo, based on religious fundamentalism. The case still has not been looked into correctly. Nobody has been charged in court today. That means there isn’t a real focus by the government on this issue at the moment. The focus of the government today is on the opposition and surviving itself, but these kind of things are coming up, you know,” he says.

Cities

It is clear Mr Naseer is thinking long-term, and his policy of building four new cities in each corner of the country reflects that. “I am sure that within ten years each city will have at least 10 000 population,” he says.

“I am pretty confident I can raise enough money to do this. I need $200m to build four cities and if I take this $200m from any foreign organization for a period of thirty or forty years I am sure it will be worth it because for the 100 islands that I propose to reduce from the map I do not have to spend on those 100 islands. Now I only have 4 cities.

“All the previous governments have attempted to decentralize, but they have failed because their policies were not adequate to do that, so now we are laying a policy which is strong and tough,” he says.

Each family rehoused will get a new property worth Rf. 400 000. To reduce overcrowding in Malé, Naseer is also proposing the construction of 4 000 new flats in 5 years which will be built on Hulhumale and Vilingili and Malé as well as the new capitals.

To pay for it, he proposes a fuller tax system, which will include income tax, tax on profit and zakat. He also plans to cut back on presidential expenses, the military and the bloated civil service.

In order to help make Maldives’ economy more robust, the IDP plans to introduce industrial scale aquaculture, using Japanese expertise, and plans to expand the tourism industry in “a carefully organised manner.”

Mr Naseer now has a year to generate the “grass-roots” support he talks of for his party, and put the allegations of torture behind him, if he is to become president, and be able to implement his vision.

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