Author: Minivan News

Terrorist or Freedom Fighter? – 15 Minutes with Jenny Latheef

Minivan News spends 15 minutes with Jennifer Latheef.
Jenny is a photographer and television documentary-maker. She is also an MDP council member and her father is the MDP Spokesperson.
Jenny is currently awaiting sentence for a charge of “terrorism” following the Male’ riots in September 2003. The riots were sparked by the murder of Evan Naseem in Maafushi Jail by a group of police officers led by Adam Mohamed (Fusfaru).
1) What was your involvement in the riots and the demonstrations following Evan Naseem’s death?
I went there to see. I wanted to see because before that another kid had also died in jail. I thought I have to go and I went and that place was packed, the entire area was packed outside the cemetery. Every person there was feeling the same thing, the same rage because Evan was beaten brutally. You could see everything, all his wounds. They tried to bury him, they were not going to show his face to his mum (Mariyam Manike) but a girl who was there just took the blanket off his body and the crowd saw his face and the bruises all over his body.
There was a unity between the people there. Everyone was feeling the same thing. The people were full of rage. There was a lot of anger. People had been under this system for 25 years. They’d had enough. I think it was becoming more common also – the brutality and the killings. But now this information is getting out to the people. People just die mysteriously. In just my area of town there are five people who have died in jail and Male’ is small. There is so much unreported abuse, people with deformities and pain they have to go through for the rest of their life because of this.
2) Last year you spent one hundred days in jail. Why was that?
I think to begin with, on the 20th September, I was just an easy target because I was there and I would still be there if it happened again. I wasn’t there to instigate violence, I don’t believe in violence. I was there because I wanted to see Evan’s face and when I was there at the cemetery we heard about the other shootings in Maafushi and that there were other dead people at the hospitals so I went there.
They asked me during the investigation why I was there. How can they ask me that? Of course I was there. Do they expect me just to sit at home and idly watch whilst people are murdered? That’s the reason people were out that day, because they didn’t just want to sit at home.
To some extent it played on their conscience and a lot of people there who burned places and things like that, they felt it. They’ve seen it, they’ve felt it, and they’ve been there. And they know it could have been them. And a lot of them knew Evan personally and other people who died that day.
That anger, the pain. It was dangerous but the funny thing is they only attacked government targets. They could have looted shops, robbed places but they didn’t. There was no robbery. Young rioters who went into shops that night paid for what they took. It was just police stations, government buildings that they burnt. The police and the government think it was organised. But if you know anything about organisation you should know that if it was really organised they would have hit the main target first. Not going round the entire place buring little police stations and things. You don’t need a genius to realise that it was not organised. It was spontaneous rage.
3) Do you think that that rage has dissipated two years on?
People are getting more courage. Realising that they really can’t just stay at home and the only way to make it better is to come out. More and more people are going into jail for political reasons, 12-13th [August 2004] for instance. The country is in a state of emergency throughout.
On New Year’s Eve, people were being tried for treason and then they were all just forgiven. How dare they. This is not a joke these are people’s lives. You can’t just expect people to say “Oh goody, I’m pardoned.” It doesn’t work that way. You can’t seriously expect people to believe Gayoom. If there was even a hint that he will actually reform the country… is he actually willing to change and get the reforms done? I don’t think so, I really don’t. Part of me wants to believe that this is true but that’s the foolish part I think. I don’t think a man who has been in power for that long can easily just give it up. It’s not just him, there are a lot of other people attached to his power as well.
4) If Gayoom doesn’t reform, what do you think would happen?
I don’t think that’s possible. I don’t think he can get away with no reform because there is too much international pressure. But given his past its not going to be easy. OK, he’s given one year as a timeframe [January 2006]. But what other excuse is he going to come up with?
5) Do you think people will wait a year for reform?
I think people would. We Maldivians are patient don’t you think? I mean, 27 of all this rule. And before that as well, it’s just been tyrant after tyrant and people, Maldivians, they are good people. They are peaceful people. They are not violent people. We don’t have serial killers and things like that.
6) Given that there is this rage you’ve identified within society if it is not given a peaceful political outlet, what might happen?
That rage hasn’t gone at all. But I don’t want people to start burning place and things like that. It doesn’t seem good. My hope is that change comes without that. I hope that the President has the decency to give that to his people. Because without that it will obviously come to a point where people do come out differently. It’s inevitable if there is no change for too long, that rage will materialise and will be expressed as violence.
7) You were charged with terrorism. Can you explain a little bit about your case? Did you have access to lawyers, what was the evidence like? Did you get a fair trial?
Certainly not because if there had been a fair trial I would not have been in jail. They had no reason to arrest me first of all so this was not justice.
8) People have said that you were a hostage because of your father.
Yes, I think that was basically what I was as well.
They had nine witnesses. Six of them were police people, cops, three of them were civilians. I think they hang out together and they [the three civilians] were together during 20th September. These people said one thing in their statements and when they came to court they said something else.
It was surreal being there first of all. It was just a joke. I couldn’t believe what the prosecution witnesses were saying. They changed what they were saying if they were asked a question twice. They’d say that they “didn’t see me throw a stone” when my lawyer said “you were very far away from Jenny weren’t you? Then the prosecutor asked them and they would say they did see me throw a stone.
9) So the main charge against you was that you threw a stone?
Yes. One of the policemen said I threw a stone at him. Now, I did go upto the police that day outside the hospital. They were there in a line. These police had nothing to do with Evan’s death but I knew that the people who had gathered there did not want to see a policeman. The police were making the people angrier just by being there. I said to them “you have nothing to do with this, you’re just agitating the public.” That’s all I said. I didn’t talk to anyone in particular, I addressed them in general. Then people started throwing rocks and I left and I went home, I didn’t want to be there. I went back later to document what was going on and to take pictures but that was all.
10) Was there any evidence of you trying to plant bombs, trying to assassinate people or hijack aeroplanes?
No.
11) But you were charged with terrorism?
Yes.
12) So, throwing a stone in the Maldives is tantamount to terrorism?
Yes.
13) And what does is the sentence for terrorism?
It is 15 years in jail.
14) And what have you been sentenced to?
I haven’t been sentenced yet. I’ve been charged.
15) And have they found you guilty?
Not yet. The verdict will be given this month apparently.
16) So when did the trial end?
Beginning of July 2004.
17) Was it a jury trial?
No. It is one judge who will decide.
18) And these judges can be dismissed by President Gayoom or the sentence can be overturned by President Gayoom?
Yes
19) So, it’s essentially up to Gayoom whether you are found guilty or not?
Yes. There is no evidence. It’s just foolish. The policeman said I threw a rock that apparently hit him on the shin. He said he talked to me, then he turned around and then I threw a rock at him. Now, unless I had a boomerang how was I supposed to hit him on the shin when he was facing the other way? Now if you’re going to make up evidence, the government could at least make it believable.
I mean, during the investigation a policeman said that they have witnesses saying I jumped on top of a burning vehicle. I just had to laugh at them. I’m not Abraham. I do burn when fire is near me. I can’t be jumping on top of a burning vehicle. If they were going to intimidate me, well, that was not intimidation!
20) But they’ve let you come to Sri Lanka even though you’re still under charges of terrorism, which must be one of the most serious charges you can bring about. But if you are a terrorist awaiting trial, why are they letting you leave Maldives? Why are they letting you on an aeroplane?
Yes. Before I was charged last year I came here also. I think they want me abroad so when they charge me they are hoping I won’t go back to the Maldives. But even if they charge me I will still go back.
21) You are perceived by many people to be the face of the young opposition movement. Have these charges quietened you down?
I don’t think it’s quietened me down. It has not intimidated me. Ok, I didn’t want to be in jail. I think they wanted to quieten my father and the work he has been doing. I wouldn’t want my father to stop the work he is doing because I am in jail and I told the regime that too. I said if they thought that by keeping me my father would be silent they were wrong. And he is not going to stop, even if they kill me he will not stop. And if they do kill me I wouldn’t want him to ever stop.
22) When you were in jail last year, following the 12-13th August demonstration, a lot of people came to visit you. One of which was the American Ambassador to Colombo. He described you as “one tough cookie”.
You have to be. I think every person there was one tough cookie. All of us were there in Dhoonidhoo, we were all there together for the same reason and we all got to know each other. We talked in jail. The best freedom of expression in the Maldives then was in jail. Every now and then a person would call for Maumoon’s resignation and then everyone would be yelling. We kept ourselves entertained and it was nice that way, in a weird sort of way.
But you know, they keep doing this. They keep arresting people and sending them to jail for one month, two months. They torture them either physically or mentally and then just let them go.
23) Does this intimidate people?
I think people have been intimidated but people are now getting the strength not to feel intimidated because there are now people watching, because MDP is watching and because MDP has made sure the international community is watching.

Minivan News spends 15 minutes with Jennifer Latheef.

Jenny is a photographer and television documentary-maker. She is also an MDP council member and her father is the MDP Spokesperson.

Jenny is currently awaiting sentence for a charge of “terrorism” following the Male’ riots in September 2003. The riots were sparked by the murder of Evan Naseem in Maafushi Jail by a group of police officers led by Adam Mohamed (Fusfaru).

1) What was your involvement in the riots and the demonstrations following Evan Naseem’s death?

I went there to see. I wanted to see because before that another kid had also died in jail. I thought I have to go and I went and that place was packed, the entire area was packed outside the cemetery. Every person there was feeling the same thing, the same rage because Evan was beaten brutally. You could see everything, all his wounds. They tried to bury him, they were not going to show his face to his mum (Mariyam Manike) but a girl who was there just took the blanket off his body and the crowd saw his face and the bruises all over his body.

There was a unity between the people there. Everyone was feeling the same thing. The people were full of rage. There was a lot of anger. People had been under this system for 25 years. They’d had enough. I think it was becoming more common also – the brutality and the killings. But now this information is getting out to the people. People just die mysteriously. In just my area of town there are five people who have died in jail and Male’ is small. There is so much unreported abuse, people with deformities and pain they have to go through for the rest of their life because of this.

2) Last year you spent one hundred days in jail. Why was that?

I think to begin with, on the 20th September, I was just an easy target because I was there and I would still be there if it happened again. I wasn’t there to instigate violence, I don’t believe in violence. I was there because I wanted to see Evan’s face and when I was there at the cemetery we heard about the other shootings in Maafushi and that there were other dead people at the hospitals so I went there.

They asked me during the investigation why I was there. How can they ask me that? Of course I was there. Do they expect me just to sit at home and idly watch whilst people are murdered? That’s the reason people were out that day, because they didn’t just want to sit at home.

To some extent it played on their conscience and a lot of people there who burned places and things like that, they felt it. They’ve seen it, they’ve felt it, and they’ve been there. And they know it could have been them. And a lot of them knew Evan personally and other people who died that day.

That anger, the pain. It was dangerous but the funny thing is they only attacked government targets. They could have looted shops, robbed places but they didn’t. There was no robbery. Young rioters who went into shops that night paid for what they took. It was just police stations, government buildings that they burnt. The police and the government think it was organised. But if you know anything about organisation you should know that if it was really organised they would have hit the main target first. Not going round the entire place buring little police stations and things. You don’t need a genius to realise that it was not organised. It was spontaneous rage.

3) Do you think that that rage has dissipated two years on?

People are getting more courage. Realising that they really can’t just stay at home and the only way to make it better is to come out. More and more people are going into jail for political reasons, 12-13th [August 2004] for instance. The country is in a state of emergency throughout.

On New Year’s Eve, people were being tried for treason and then they were all just forgiven. How dare they. This is not a joke these are people’s lives. You can’t just expect people to say “Oh goody, I’m pardoned.” It doesn’t work that way. You can’t seriously expect people to believe Gayoom. If there was even a hint that he will actually reform the country… is he actually willing to change and get the reforms done? I don’t think so, I really don’t. Part of me wants to believe that this is true but that’s the foolish part I think. I don’t think a man who has been in power for that long can easily just give it up. It’s not just him, there are a lot of other people attached to his power as well.

4) If Gayoom doesn’t reform, what do you think would happen?

I don’t think that’s possible. I don’t think he can get away with no reform because there is too much international pressure. But given his past its not going to be easy. OK, he’s given one year as a timeframe [January 2006]. But what other excuse is he going to come up with?

5) Do you think people will wait a year for reform?

I think people would. We Maldivians are patient don’t you think? I mean, 27 of all this rule. And before that as well, it’s just been tyrant after tyrant and people, Maldivians, they are good people. They are peaceful people. They are not violent people. We don’t have serial killers and things like that.

6) Given that there is this rage you’ve identified within society if it is not given a peaceful political outlet, what might happen?

That rage hasn’t gone at all. But I don’t want people to start burning place and things like that. It doesn’t seem good. My hope is that change comes without that. I hope that the President has the decency to give that to his people. Because without that it will obviously come to a point where people do come out differently. It’s inevitable if there is no change for too long, that rage will materialise and will be expressed as violence.

7) You were charged with terrorism. Can you explain a little bit about your case? Did you have access to lawyers, what was the evidence like? Did you get a fair trial?

Certainly not because if there had been a fair trial I would not have been in jail. They had no reason to arrest me first of all so this was not justice.

8) People have said that you were a hostage because of your father.

Yes, I think that was basically what I was as well.

They had nine witnesses. Six of them were police people, cops, three of them were civilians. I think they hang out together and they [the three civilians] were together during 20th September. These people said one thing in their statements and when they came to court they said something else.

It was surreal being there first of all. It was just a joke. I couldn’t believe what the prosecution witnesses were saying. They changed what they were saying if they were asked a question twice. They’d say that they “didn’t see me throw a stone” when my lawyer said “you were very far away from Jenny weren’t you? Then the prosecutor asked them and they would say they did see me throw a stone.

9) So the main charge against you was that you threw a stone?

Yes. One of the policemen said I threw a stone at him. Now, I did go upto the police that day outside the hospital. They were there in a line. These police had nothing to do with Evan’s death but I knew that the people who had gathered there did not want to see a policeman. The police were making the people angrier just by being there. I said to them “you have nothing to do with this, you’re just agitating the public.” That’s all I said. I didn’t talk to anyone in particular, I addressed them in general. Then people started throwing rocks and I left and I went home, I didn’t want to be there. I went back later to document what was going on and to take pictures but that was all.

10) Was there any evidence of you trying to plant bombs, trying to assassinate people or hijack aeroplanes?

No.

11) But you were charged with terrorism?

Yes.

12) So, throwing a stone in the Maldives is tantamount to terrorism?

Yes.

13) And what does is the sentence for terrorism?

It is 15 years in jail.

14) And what have you been sentenced to?

I haven’t been sentenced yet. I’ve been charged.

15) And have they found you guilty?

Not yet. The verdict will be given this month apparently.

16) So when did the trial end?

Beginning of July 2004.

17) Was it a jury trial?

No. It is one judge who will decide.

18) And these judges can be dismissed by President Gayoom or the sentence can be overturned by President Gayoom?

Yes

19) So, it’s essentially up to Gayoom whether you are found guilty or not?

Yes. There is no evidence. It’s just foolish. The policeman said I threw a rock that apparently hit him on the shin. He said he talked to me, then he turned around and then I threw a rock at him. Now, unless I had a boomerang how was I supposed to hit him on the shin when he was facing the other way? Now if you’re going to make up evidence, the government could at least make it believable.

I mean, during the investigation a policeman said that they have witnesses saying I jumped on top of a burning vehicle. I just had to laugh at them. I’m not Abraham. I do burn when fire is near me. I can’t be jumping on top of a burning vehicle. If they were going to intimidate me, well, that was not intimidation!

20) But they’ve let you come to Sri Lanka even though you’re still under charges of terrorism, which must be one of the most serious charges you can bring about. But if you are a terrorist awaiting trial, why are they letting you leave Maldives? Why are they letting you on an aeroplane?

Yes. Before I was charged last year I came here also. I think they want me abroad so when they charge me they are hoping I won’t go back to the Maldives. But even if they charge me I will still go back.

21) You are perceived by many people to be the face of the young opposition movement. Have these charges quietened you down?

I don’t think it’s quietened me down. It has not intimidated me. Ok, I didn’t want to be in jail. I think they wanted to quieten my father and the work he has been doing. I wouldn’t want my father to stop the work he is doing because I am in jail and I told the regime that too. I said if they thought that by keeping me my father would be silent they were wrong. And he is not going to stop, even if they kill me he will not stop. And if they do kill me I wouldn’t want him to ever stop.

22) When you were in jail last year, following the 12-13th August demonstration, a lot of people came to visit you. One of which was the American Ambassador to Colombo. He described you as “one tough cookie”.

You have to be. I think every person there was one tough cookie. All of us were there in Dhoonidhoo, we were all there together for the same reason and we all got to know each other. We talked in jail. The best freedom of expression in the Maldives then was in jail. Every now and then a person would call for Maumoon’s resignation and then everyone would be yelling. We kept ourselves entertained and it was nice that way, in a weird sort of way.

But you know, they keep doing this. They keep arresting people and sending them to jail for one month, two months. They torture them either physically or mentally and then just let them go.

23) Does this intimidate people?

I think people have been intimidated but people are now getting the strength not to feel intimidated because there are now people watching, because MDP is watching and because MDP has made sure the international community is watching.

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15 Minutes with Former Attorney-General Dr. Munavvar

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with former Attorney-General of the Maldives Dr. Munavvar.
Dr. Munavvar is now the legal advisor to the Maldivian Democratic Party.
MN: President Gayoom is telling the nation and the world that it was Dr.Munavvar who advised the Majlis (parliament) in 2001, that the Constitution does not allow for the formation of political parties.
Dr. Munavvar: At no time under any circumstances have I given advice that contravenes the constitution. The Republic’s Constitution through Article 27 gives Maldivians the liberty to form associations. When the question came to me (in 2001, in parliament), I clearly stated that fact. I also made the additional explanation that the traditions of governance as well as governance at the time does not allow political parties, even should they be formed, the leeway to attain their objectives. My remarks are now a matter of public record; any one who examines it would realize that what I did not say that the constitution or the laws in the country banned political parties.
MN: In 2001, the President requested the parliament’s advice, on which members voted by majority that political parties should not be allowed. As the outcome does not amount to enactment of a law, do you think that this was a sham to hoodwink the public and the international community?
Dr. Munavvar: Yes. First of all, if the Constitution or the law actually did ban political parties, the President need not have asked parliament for advice. Subsequent to that, such opinions or advice passed by the house does not constitute a law, as members deliberated not on a Bill, but on a request of the President forwarded by letter. It also follows that there is no law that requires the government to act on such advice passed in the house.
MN: The Maldivian Democratic Party’s Chairperson recently said that you were among eminent persons in the party for the country’s leadership. You are also the MDP Governing Council’s Legal Advisor. Do you feel you are achieving your aspirations?
Dr. Munavvar: I do not personally state a propensity for high position. However I shall continue doing my best in serving the interests of the Maldivian people. Should the people need me to serve in any post that they deem fit for me, I would not falter in going forth in their service.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with former Attorney-General of the Maldives Dr. Munavvar.

Dr. Munavvar is now the legal advisor to the Maldivian Democratic Party.

MN: President Gayoom is telling the nation and the world that it was Dr.Munavvar who advised the Majlis (parliament) in 2001, that the Constitution does not allow for the formation of political parties.

Dr. Munavvar: At no time under any circumstances have I given advice that contravenes the constitution. The Republic’s Constitution through Article 27 gives Maldivians the liberty to form associations. When the question came to me (in 2001, in parliament), I clearly stated that fact. I also made the additional explanation that the traditions of governance as well as governance at the time does not allow political parties, even should they be formed, the leeway to attain their objectives. My remarks are now a matter of public record; any one who examines it would realize that what I did not say that the constitution or the laws in the country banned political parties.

MN: In 2001, the President requested the parliament’s advice, on which members voted by majority that political parties should not be allowed. As the outcome does not amount to enactment of a law, do you think that this was a sham to hoodwink the public and the international community?

Dr. Munavvar: Yes. First of all, if the Constitution or the law actually did ban political parties, the President need not have asked parliament for advice. Subsequent to that, such opinions or advice passed by the house does not constitute a law, as members deliberated not on a Bill, but on a request of the President forwarded by letter. It also follows that there is no law that requires the government to act on such advice passed in the house.

MN: The Maldivian Democratic Party’s Chairperson recently said that you were among eminent persons in the party for the country’s leadership. You are also the MDP Governing Council’s Legal Advisor. Do you feel you are achieving your aspirations?

Dr. Munavvar: I do not personally state a propensity for high position. However I shall continue doing my best in serving the interests of the Maldivian people. Should the people need me to serve in any post that they deem fit for me, I would not falter in going forth in their service.

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15 Minutes with former SAARC Secretary-General Ibrahim Hussain Zaki

Mr. Ibrahim Hussain Zaki has a long and distinguished career at the heart of Maldivian and regional politics. As a former Cabinet Minister in Gayoom’s government, he filled the posts of Deputy Foreign Minister, Tourism Minister and Planning Minister.
As SAARC Secretary-General, he worked closely with Presidents and Prime Ministers across South Asia. He also sat as a Member of the Majlis, representing the people of South Ari Atoll for ten years.
Last year, IH Zaki shocked the regime by joining the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party. Since then, he has been elected as a party councilor and in February this year, was made the MDP’s advisor on political affairs. Mr Zaki was also arrested for taking part in the 12-13th August 2004 pro-democracy rally in Male’.
Mr. IH Zaki was interviewed on Minivan Radio on 12th April 2005, in Minivan’s studio in Colombo.
Minivan Radio (MR): How do you propose to go ahead with the job of councilor to the MDP?
Zaki: First of all I’d like to thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak. It is an honor for me to act as Counselor to the MDP. During a time of political reform, MDP is an organization that is certain to play an important role. To be active within the MDP is an honor. In the future – the future we all wish to see – during a period of political reform, I am prepared to share all of my experience and skills I have learnt through the years in the service of MDP.
MR: You spent 58 days in jail and 2 months under house-arrest for being present at the 12-13th democracy rally in Male’. It was reported that you suffered at the hands of the government along with several others as advocated by Amnesty International and the Maldivian Human Rights Commission. Could you please tell us something about the period you spent under arrest?
Zaki: Yes… There’s no doubt that the experiences of different people arrested will be different.
It was a peaceful gathering. Being present in a public gathering where the public demonstrated its feelings towards the government and the people without resorting to violence was not in defiance of any law. If I am to say something about the time of my arrest and its aftermath, I’d like to state that I was an elected member of the public and thus liable for protection under the law.
From the moment I was taken to the Police Headquarters, for 12 hours I was not made aware of the reason why I was taken into custody. After 12 hours I was notified by the relevant government authority that I was arrested in connection with the activities of 12th and 13th.
Next comes the place of arrest and the way I was held in custody. I was kept in solitary confinement. In my opinion it is a contravention of my human and civil rights. During the period I spent in jail, I was deprived of my basic rights as a human being along with my legal rights. I can prove this aptly.
As regards the investigation, I must say that things are not conducted in a proper manner in the Maldives. The spirit of the investigation was to place the blame on my head for things which I was not culpable of. However, in the condition I was in, I felt my survival came first. To save my life was a priority and hence I requested that I be given access to a doctor and I was taken to the hospital. Afterwards I was placed under house-arrest. Later I was released with the condition that I remain in the country.
MR: After your experience in jail I understand several offers were made to you for a post in the government – why did you refuse the offers?
Zaki: My main reason for turning down the government’s offer was that during 27 years of rule I had not seen any signs of reform. I am not prepared to serve such a government.
There’s no doubt I worked for the government as I would with a friendly party. I wished to seek changes while working within the system. But my ten years of experience in the Cabinet has affirmed my belief that reforms will not be implemented with the present regime in power.
There’s no doubt that when I was placed under arrest I was outside the government. During November of the year 2002, when a new government was formed I was not included within the Cabinet. However, several Cabinet level posts were offered which I refused. From personal experience I do not believe there is any chance for the reforms we seek with the present regime in power.
MR: So you believe that the political changes that Maumoon has promised will not be implemented?
Zaki: Yes… Why has Maumoon’s government promised political reform after 27 years of rule? Let’s take a look. In my opinion these changes have been promised by the government because pressure has been applied on a national and international level. In my opinion the present government we see and the government before that exists for one purpose only. It is a system of government designed to garner the loyalty of the public or to bend them in the government’s direction.
When we wish to see if the government is for reform or not we have to first look in the direction of the past and see the experiences we can gain from the past. There’s no doubt that what we have seen and what we have experienced hasn’t any democratic values attached. What we saw was the government in existence practicing a policy or politics of garnering public loyalty or to bend the public in the direction of the government.
When we seek major changes in government we must first ask the question whether the government would wish for the same changes. One truth that we have to acknowledge is that when we seek changes, the changes will replace something in the system, and when we see the introduction of change, several barriers will be placed in front of the old system.
In my opinion this is not something that the government can afford. Sometimes I feel that as in other parts of the world whether what we want is a government that is on par with the people. If I may say it in English it is important that a national reconciliation government implement the reforms we seek.
MR: At a time when all the Maldivian people are working to bring about freedom what is Zaki’s message?
Zaki: I wish to say that when you look into the corners of the world or when you view the world’s experience – while viewing the Maldives on a national level – the changes we see coming we definitely cannot do without.
The question is when will these reforms take place? According a time for change is in the hands of the people. There’s no doubt that if the people wishes for change, it can come as soon as they wish for it.

Mr. Ibrahim Hussain Zaki has a long and distinguished career at the heart of Maldivian and regional politics. As a former Cabinet Minister in Gayoom’s government, he filled the posts of Deputy Foreign Minister, Tourism Minister and Planning Minister.

As SAARC Secretary-General, he worked closely with Presidents and Prime Ministers across South Asia. He also sat as a Member of the Majlis, representing the people of South Ari Atoll for ten years.

Last year, IH Zaki shocked the regime by joining the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party. Since then, he has been elected as a party councilor and in February this year, was made the MDP’s advisor on political affairs. Mr Zaki was also arrested for taking part in the 12-13th August 2004 pro-democracy rally in Male’.

Mr. IH Zaki was interviewed on Minivan Radio on 12th April 2005, in Minivan’s studio in Colombo.

Minivan Radio (MR): How do you propose to go ahead with the job of councilor to the MDP?

Zaki: First of all I’d like to thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak. It is an honor for me to act as Counselor to the MDP. During a time of political reform, MDP is an organization that is certain to play an important role. To be active within the MDP is an honor. In the future – the future we all wish to see – during a period of political reform, I am prepared to share all of my experience and skills I have learnt through the years in the service of MDP.

MR: You spent 58 days in jail and 2 months under house-arrest for being present at the 12-13th democracy rally in Male’. It was reported that you suffered at the hands of the government along with several others as advocated by Amnesty International and the Maldivian Human Rights Commission. Could you please tell us something about the period you spent under arrest?

Zaki: Yes… There’s no doubt that the experiences of different people arrested will be different.

It was a peaceful gathering. Being present in a public gathering where the public demonstrated its feelings towards the government and the people without resorting to violence was not in defiance of any law. If I am to say something about the time of my arrest and its aftermath, I’d like to state that I was an elected member of the public and thus liable for protection under the law.

From the moment I was taken to the Police Headquarters, for 12 hours I was not made aware of the reason why I was taken into custody. After 12 hours I was notified by the relevant government authority that I was arrested in connection with the activities of 12th and 13th.

Next comes the place of arrest and the way I was held in custody. I was kept in solitary confinement. In my opinion it is a contravention of my human and civil rights. During the period I spent in jail, I was deprived of my basic rights as a human being along with my legal rights. I can prove this aptly.

As regards the investigation, I must say that things are not conducted in a proper manner in the Maldives. The spirit of the investigation was to place the blame on my head for things which I was not culpable of. However, in the condition I was in, I felt my survival came first. To save my life was a priority and hence I requested that I be given access to a doctor and I was taken to the hospital. Afterwards I was placed under house-arrest. Later I was released with the condition that I remain in the country.

MR: After your experience in jail I understand several offers were made to you for a post in the government – why did you refuse the offers?

Zaki: My main reason for turning down the government’s offer was that during 27 years of rule I had not seen any signs of reform. I am not prepared to serve such a government.

There’s no doubt I worked for the government as I would with a friendly party. I wished to seek changes while working within the system. But my ten years of experience in the Cabinet has affirmed my belief that reforms will not be implemented with the present regime in power.

There’s no doubt that when I was placed under arrest I was outside the government. During November of the year 2002, when a new government was formed I was not included within the Cabinet. However, several Cabinet level posts were offered which I refused. From personal experience I do not believe there is any chance for the reforms we seek with the present regime in power.

MR: So you believe that the political changes that Maumoon has promised will not be implemented?

Zaki: Yes… Why has Maumoon’s government promised political reform after 27 years of rule? Let’s take a look. In my opinion these changes have been promised by the government because pressure has been applied on a national and international level. In my opinion the present government we see and the government before that exists for one purpose only. It is a system of government designed to garner the loyalty of the public or to bend them in the government’s direction.

When we wish to see if the government is for reform or not we have to first look in the direction of the past and see the experiences we can gain from the past. There’s no doubt that what we have seen and what we have experienced hasn’t any democratic values attached. What we saw was the government in existence practicing a policy or politics of garnering public loyalty or to bend the public in the direction of the government.

When we seek major changes in government we must first ask the question whether the government would wish for the same changes. One truth that we have to acknowledge is that when we seek changes, the changes will replace something in the system, and when we see the introduction of change, several barriers will be placed in front of the old system.

In my opinion this is not something that the government can afford. Sometimes I feel that as in other parts of the world whether what we want is a government that is on par with the people. If I may say it in English it is important that a national reconciliation government implement the reforms we seek.

MR: At a time when all the Maldivian people are working to bring about freedom what is Zaki’s message?

Zaki: I wish to say that when you look into the corners of the world or when you view the world’s experience – while viewing the Maldives on a national level – the changes we see coming we definitely cannot do without.

The question is when will these reforms take place? According a time for change is in the hands of the people. There’s no doubt that if the people wishes for change, it can come as soon as they wish for it.

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15 Minutes with Evan Naseem’s mother Mariyam Manike

On the 19th September 2003, in Maafushi Jail, Maldives, members of President Gayoom’s National Security Service took 19 year old Evan Naseem out of his cell to ‘the range’.
They tied Evan’s hands above his head and his legs to the floor in an ‘X’ position. Then, they took it in turns to beat Evan to death with iron rods, batons and chair legs.
It was on NSS Captain Adam Mohamed’s (Fusfaru) orders that Evan Naseem was taken to ‘the range’ and brutally beaten, resulting in his death. On March 10th, Fusfaru was sentenced to 6 months in jail for this crime.
Minivan News spoke to Evan’s mother, Mariyam Manike, about the sentence.
Q1: Do you think that justice has been served?
I knew even before the sentence justice would not be served. They gave Fusfaru just six months. Because they kept him under investigation for so long they had to give him something so the government can say to the people it has done something.
[Sarcastically] I really believe the government should give him back his job and encourage him to beat more people more often.
For a torturer like Fusfaru six months is nothing. He has been beating people up for so long. For five years he had the job of torturing people. It is not one or two who have been beaten up. He has been beating people up for so long. Lots of people have told me their stories at the hands of Fusfaru.
Q2: Do you expect to take this judgment to a higher court?
Even if I did go to the highest court here, nothing would happen. Nothing will happen with this regime in power.
Q3: Have you decided that your fight for justice for Evan is now over?
No. It won’t end just like that. It is not going to end. Even if I request a re-trial of Fusfaru the authorities will not allow it. If the government wants to investigate something they will always do that. But not for people like me. The government wouldn’t review a case like this.
Perhaps the reason he did not get justice is because in the hereafter he will be judged. He deserves to be judged there. That is my prayer too. For people like him, let the end be bitter even on Earth. They are well aware of what they have done.
Q4: Just a couple of days back another person died in jail [Muaviath Mahmood]. What are your feelings about this, being Evan’s mother?
I was sleeping when the news of Muaviath’s death was bough to me. Someone came and said another person has died. I went to the cemetery where Muaviath’s body was lying and some boys pointed out to me how his larynx was all swollen. It was unbearable to see that beaten boy. I had to leave, I couldn’t bear it.
Q5: Youself and Muaviath ‘s mother are in a similar position. Did you go and speak to her?
Yes, I spoke to her and she said just that he was beaten to death. She was too upset to say anything more than that.

On the 19th September 2003, in Maafushi Jail, Maldives, members of President Gayoom’s National Security Service took 19 year old Evan Naseem out of his cell to ‘the range’.

They tied Evan’s hands above his head and his legs to the floor in an ‘X’ position. Then, they took it in turns to beat Evan to death with iron rods, batons and chair legs.

It was on NSS Captain Adam Mohamed’s (Fusfaru) orders that Evan Naseem was taken to ‘the range’ and brutally beaten, resulting in his death. On March 10th, Fusfaru was sentenced to 6 months in jail for this crime.

Minivan News spoke to Evan’s mother, Mariyam Manike, about the sentence.

Q1: Do you think that justice has been served?

I knew even before the sentence justice would not be served. They gave Fusfaru just six months. Because they kept him under investigation for so long they had to give him something so the government can say to the people it has done something.

[Sarcastically] I really believe the government should give him back his job and encourage him to beat more people more often.

For a torturer like Fusfaru six months is nothing. He has been beating people up for so long. For five years he had the job of torturing people. It is not one or two who have been beaten up. He has been beating people up for so long. Lots of people have told me their stories at the hands of Fusfaru.

Q2: Do you expect to take this judgment to a higher court?

Even if I did go to the highest court here, nothing would happen. Nothing will happen with this regime in power.

Q3: Have you decided that your fight for justice for Evan is now over?

No. It won’t end just like that. It is not going to end. Even if I request a re-trial of Fusfaru the authorities will not allow it. If the government wants to investigate something they will always do that. But not for people like me. The government wouldn’t review a case like this.

Perhaps the reason he did not get justice is because in the hereafter he will be judged. He deserves to be judged there. That is my prayer too. For people like him, let the end be bitter even on Earth. They are well aware of what they have done.

Q4: Just a couple of days back another person died in jail [Muaviath Mahmood]. What are your feelings about this, being Evan’s mother?

I was sleeping when the news of Muaviath’s death was bough to me. Someone came and said another person has died. I went to the cemetery where Muaviath’s body was lying and some boys pointed out to me how his larynx was all swollen. It was unbearable to see that beaten boy. I had to leave, I couldn’t bear it.

Q5: Youself and Muaviath ‘s mother are in a similar position. Did you go and speak to her?

Yes, I spoke to her and she said just that he was beaten to death. She was too upset to say anything more than that.

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15 Minutes with Friends of Maldives founder David Hardingham

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Friends of Maldives (FOM) founder David Hardingham.
1)FOM has been doing a lot of relief work for the Maldives, can you outline the types of things you have been doing?
We have sent about 100 tons of Aid to the Maldives comprising of food, water, medical equipment, clothing, tents and household equipment.
Our teams of Maldivian and British volunteers in the Maldives have visited Meemu, Vaavu, Thaa and Laamu Atolls and distributed FOM Aid. Last week an FOM team went to Meedhoo, Maa Eboodhoo, Vaanee, Gemendhoo and Kudahuvadhoo islands in Dhaalu Atoll. People have been very happy and thankful for the quality of Aid.
We have been amazed at the generosity of so many people in the UK. Many of these donators have been to the Maldives and want to help in any way they can. We have had a team of hundreds of volunteers working every day in the UK sorting and packing the Aid.
2) Has FOM found the Maldivian government helpful in your relief efforts?
The Government of Maldives has co-operated with the Friends of Maldives in the FOM Aid effort. I discussed the crisis with Mr Sobir, the High Commissioner to London, following the Tsunami and we agreed that getting help to the people who needed it was of paramount importance. Our differences should be set aside and should work together to get the job done as quickly as possible. We have maintained cordial relations with the Government of Maldives.
3) Has FOM been working with any other organisations?
Yes we have worked with many organisations in the last two months. Obviously we maintain our contacts with other governments – particularly the Europeans – and we have also established contacts with other NGOs. They have been impressed with how quickly we managed to get FOM aid to the islands and the amount of aid we have managed to bring from the UK. We hope to work more with local NGOs in the Maldives in future.
4) Minister for Trade Abdulla Yameen in his December elections speech insinuated that certain groups, such as FOM, are funded by American Christian missionary groups. Is this true?
No, this is absolute rubbish and he knows it. FOM receives funding from members of the public here in Britain and not from any religious group. I don’t think the British public have any agenda other than to help Maldivian people who wish to be helped. As long as Maldivians continue to want the help of FOM then we will be there. Our aim is only to help the Maldivian people. Perhaps Abdulla Yameen has a different agenda.
5) Does FOM have any connection to religion?
The constant allegation of FOM being Christian Missionaries is getting less and less believable. Anybody who knows the Friends of Maldives knows this is not true. FOM have no desire to convert anyone to any religion. I have great respect for Islam. I’ve heard some very silly stories being spread by certain members of the regime about FOM volunteers in Maldives handing out crosses and trying to bring pork and alcohol into the country – utter rubbish.
6) What are your connections with the Maldivian Democratic Party?
We have no affiliation with any particular party. We are very hopeful that the government of Maldives continues on its path towards a fully democratic country. We encourage the international community and their respective governments to continue to encourage the Government of Maldives to allow the registration of the Maldivian Democratic Party and to allow freedom of speech and association. We have friends across the political spectrum in the Maldives.
7) Are you still interested in Human Rights?
I started FOM primarily as a Human Rights organisation. We have been encouraged of late by some improvements in the Human Rights situation in the Maldives. However, we continue to be very concerned about the failure of the government to review the imprisonment of Fareed, the Sandhaanu Three and Naushad Waheed. We are also very concerned about the recent imprisonment of Ahmed Falah and Mohamed Fauzi.
FOM will always be concerned with Human Rights in the Maldives. If we feel the Human Rights situation is deteriorating again then we will refocus our efforts on some of our more political work, such as demonstrations, which we know are very embarrassing to the Maldivian government.
8) What are the future plans for FOM?
We will see what Maldivians want from us. We will be led by local community needs. We cannot dictate what people need from us. We will see how people want to be helped and then we will do our best for them.
We are particularly interested in helping with education and health improvement projects in the Maldives, which islanders have said they want our help for. We are now focussed on twinning schools in Maldives with UK schools, to provide long term support.
We also have confirmation that six British fire-fighters will be going to the Maldives during March to help with the FOM Aid distribution. This has achieved widespread media coverage and support in the UK and their flights have been paid for by sponsorship from people in the UK.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Friends of Maldives (FOM) founder David Hardingham.

1)FOM has been doing a lot of relief work for the Maldives, can you outline the types of things you have been doing?

We have sent about 100 tons of Aid to the Maldives comprising of food, water, medical equipment, clothing, tents and household equipment.

Our teams of Maldivian and British volunteers in the Maldives have visited Meemu, Vaavu, Thaa and Laamu Atolls and distributed FOM Aid. Last week an FOM team went to Meedhoo, Maa Eboodhoo, Vaanee, Gemendhoo and Kudahuvadhoo islands in Dhaalu Atoll. People have been very happy and thankful for the quality of Aid.

We have been amazed at the generosity of so many people in the UK. Many of these donators have been to the Maldives and want to help in any way they can. We have had a team of hundreds of volunteers working every day in the UK sorting and packing the Aid.

2) Has FOM found the Maldivian government helpful in your relief efforts?

The Government of Maldives has co-operated with the Friends of Maldives in the FOM Aid effort. I discussed the crisis with Mr Sobir, the High Commissioner to London, following the Tsunami and we agreed that getting help to the people who needed it was of paramount importance. Our differences should be set aside and should work together to get the job done as quickly as possible. We have maintained cordial relations with the Government of Maldives.

3) Has FOM been working with any other organisations?

Yes we have worked with many organisations in the last two months. Obviously we maintain our contacts with other governments – particularly the Europeans – and we have also established contacts with other NGOs. They have been impressed with how quickly we managed to get FOM aid to the islands and the amount of aid we have managed to bring from the UK. We hope to work more with local NGOs in the Maldives in future.

4) Minister for Trade Abdulla Yameen in his December elections speech insinuated that certain groups, such as FOM, are funded by American Christian missionary groups. Is this true?

No, this is absolute rubbish and he knows it. FOM receives funding from members of the public here in Britain and not from any religious group. I don’t think the British public have any agenda other than to help Maldivian people who wish to be helped. As long as Maldivians continue to want the help of FOM then we will be there. Our aim is only to help the Maldivian people. Perhaps Abdulla Yameen has a different agenda.

5) Does FOM have any connection to religion?

The constant allegation of FOM being Christian Missionaries is getting less and less believable. Anybody who knows the Friends of Maldives knows this is not true. FOM have no desire to convert anyone to any religion. I have great respect for Islam. I’ve heard some very silly stories being spread by certain members of the regime about FOM volunteers in Maldives handing out crosses and trying to bring pork and alcohol into the country – utter rubbish.

6) What are your connections with the Maldivian Democratic Party?

We have no affiliation with any particular party. We are very hopeful that the government of Maldives continues on its path towards a fully democratic country. We encourage the international community and their respective governments to continue to encourage the Government of Maldives to allow the registration of the Maldivian Democratic Party and to allow freedom of speech and association. We have friends across the political spectrum in the Maldives.

7) Are you still interested in Human Rights?

I started FOM primarily as a Human Rights organisation. We have been encouraged of late by some improvements in the Human Rights situation in the Maldives. However, we continue to be very concerned about the failure of the government to review the imprisonment of Fareed, the Sandhaanu Three and Naushad Waheed. We are also very concerned about the recent imprisonment of Ahmed Falah and Mohamed Fauzi.

FOM will always be concerned with Human Rights in the Maldives. If we feel the Human Rights situation is deteriorating again then we will refocus our efforts on some of our more political work, such as demonstrations, which we know are very embarrassing to the Maldivian government.

8) What are the future plans for FOM?

We will see what Maldivians want from us. We will be led by local community needs. We cannot dictate what people need from us. We will see how people want to be helped and then we will do our best for them.

We are particularly interested in helping with education and health improvement projects in the Maldives, which islanders have said they want our help for. We are now focussed on twinning schools in Maldives with UK schools, to provide long term support.

We also have confirmation that six British fire-fighters will be going to the Maldives during March to help with the FOM Aid distribution. This has achieved widespread media coverage and support in the UK and their flights have been paid for by sponsorship from people in the UK.

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15 Minutes with Ibra

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with MDP MP-elect Ibrahim Ismail.
1) You have just returned from a trip to the UK. What was the purpose of the visit?
Mainly it was to familiarise myself with the Westminster system. Also to meet MPs, the British Foreign Office and others who have been very supportive of reform ideas and the reform programme in the Maldives. Also, I specifically wanted to meet Friends of Maldives who have been assisting in the Tsunami relief work.
2) You’ve also been in the media a lot whilst you were in the UK and have been very outspoken. Do you have any apprehensions about returning to the Maldives?
Well, yes and no. Yes because my past experience shows that the police have not always been rational. They have consistently broken the law in arresting people. No because I have not committed any offences under Maldivian law.
3) Of course, you didn’t commit any offences during the 12-13th August rally but you were still jailed.
Precisely. I have some apprehension because the police haven’t always been rational in their arrests. I did not commit any offence on 12-13th August yet they kept me under arrest for months.
4) On the question of the police, you must have now seen the pictures of the shootings of inmates Maafushi Jail in September 2003, that were recently published in the Dhivehi Observer. How did the photos make you feel?
Sickened. And it wasn’t just the photos. I’ve been reading some of the statements from the Commission’s enquiry into the shootings and I’m sickened to my guts that something like this could happen. That there has been an attempted cover-up makes it even worse.
The portions in the Commission’s report that were removed; it was clear that a lot more people were involved and should be charged and they haven’t been. If the statements hadn’t become public we would never have known how brutal the whole thing was.
5) On the question of imprisonment, I’d like to raise the question of four constituents of yours, namely Fathimath Nisreen, Mohamed Zaki, Ahmed Ibrahim Didi (the Sandhaanu prisoners) and Naushad Waheed. All four are under lengthy periods of detention and are also Amnesty International Prisoners of Conscience. What are your thoughts on their continued detention?
They should be released immediately. I don’t believe they committed a crime and I don’t believe they had a fair trial – they didn’t have access to lawyers for instance. I think their Constitutional rights have been violated.
6) Amnesty International said they have been jailed solely for excising their right to freedom of expression. Would you agree?
Yes.
7) Some people have said that the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) shouldn’t engage, shouldn’t talk to, the government until all political prisoners are released. What are your comments on that?
I don’t think that is a sound position to take. Whilst MDP does espouse the human rights issues, MDP is larger than human rights alone and I think in order to make progress we must engage with the government. That’s not to say we should compromise any principals and policies, we will not, but I seriously believe we can only see results through some sort of engagement with the government. But ultimately, that’s for the MDP Council to decide and that’s my view on that.
8) How do you see the reform process moving on? President Gayoom has repeatedly said over the last week that it’s a matter for the Special Majlis. He’s done his bit, he’s given you his ideas, now it’s up to the parliament to enact them.
Technically, President Gayoom can say that but we all know he controls the Special Majlis. He controls when it sits and when it doesn’t sit. It’s a bit pretentious for him to say that.
In the reform programme he has outlined, there are many things that don’t require constitutional change and he doesn’t have to wait for the Majlis to make these things happen.
Political party registration is one of these things, as is freedom of association and a free press. These are critical things that the President could do tomorrow if he wants to. Indeed, why have they not been done already? I don’t know why, only he knows why.
There is nothing to stop him [Gayoom] doing these things. If he is genuine about his commitment to reform why is he delaying in doing these things?
The onus on the President is to get things going.
9) Some political analysts have expressed concern that although specific reforms have been outlined, there is no road-map to reform and broad principals are not being discussed. Would you agree?
If you look at things the reform-minded people have been talking about for a long time and what the President talked about on June 9th last year, they do relate to these broad principals.
What is lacking is a coherent and strict timeline to bring about change. For instance, there are many things in the reform issues which are inter-linked. We now need to decide how we will bring them about, which ones first and what effect will certain reforms have on others. That strategic planning is missing. It is not clear who will do it. But if we don’t have that the whole thing could be de-railed very easily.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with MDP MP-elect Ibrahim Ismail.

1) You have just returned from a trip to the UK. What was the purpose of the visit?

Mainly it was to familiarise myself with the Westminster system. Also to meet MPs, the British Foreign Office and others who have been very supportive of reform ideas and the reform programme in the Maldives. Also, I specifically wanted to meet Friends of Maldives who have been assisting in the Tsunami relief work.

2) You’ve also been in the media a lot whilst you were in the UK and have been very outspoken. Do you have any apprehensions about returning to the Maldives?

Well, yes and no. Yes because my past experience shows that the police have not always been rational. They have consistently broken the law in arresting people. No because I have not committed any offences under Maldivian law.

3) Of course, you didn’t commit any offences during the 12-13th August rally but you were still jailed.

Precisely. I have some apprehension because the police haven’t always been rational in their arrests. I did not commit any offence on 12-13th August yet they kept me under arrest for months.

4) On the question of the police, you must have now seen the pictures of the shootings of inmates Maafushi Jail in September 2003, that were recently published in the Dhivehi Observer. How did the photos make you feel?

Sickened. And it wasn’t just the photos. I’ve been reading some of the statements from the Commission’s enquiry into the shootings and I’m sickened to my guts that something like this could happen. That there has been an attempted cover-up makes it even worse.

The portions in the Commission’s report that were removed; it was clear that a lot more people were involved and should be charged and they haven’t been. If the statements hadn’t become public we would never have known how brutal the whole thing was.

5) On the question of imprisonment, I’d like to raise the question of four constituents of yours, namely Fathimath Nisreen, Mohamed Zaki, Ahmed Ibrahim Didi (the Sandhaanu prisoners) and Naushad Waheed. All four are under lengthy periods of detention and are also Amnesty International Prisoners of Conscience. What are your thoughts on their continued detention?

They should be released immediately. I don’t believe they committed a crime and I don’t believe they had a fair trial – they didn’t have access to lawyers for instance. I think their Constitutional rights have been violated.

6) Amnesty International said they have been jailed solely for excising their right to freedom of expression. Would you agree?

Yes.

7) Some people have said that the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) shouldn’t engage, shouldn’t talk to, the government until all political prisoners are released. What are your comments on that?

I don’t think that is a sound position to take. Whilst MDP does espouse the human rights issues, MDP is larger than human rights alone and I think in order to make progress we must engage with the government. That’s not to say we should compromise any principals and policies, we will not, but I seriously believe we can only see results through some sort of engagement with the government. But ultimately, that’s for the MDP Council to decide and that’s my view on that.

8 ) How do you see the reform process moving on? President Gayoom has repeatedly said over the last week that it’s a matter for the Special Majlis. He’s done his bit, he’s given you his ideas, now it’s up to the parliament to enact them.

Technically, President Gayoom can say that but we all know he controls the Special Majlis. He controls when it sits and when it doesn’t sit. It’s a bit pretentious for him to say that.

In the reform programme he has outlined, there are many things that don’t require constitutional change and he doesn’t have to wait for the Majlis to make these things happen.

Political party registration is one of these things, as is freedom of association and a free press. These are critical things that the President could do tomorrow if he wants to. Indeed, why have they not been done already? I don’t know why, only he knows why.

There is nothing to stop him [Gayoom] doing these things. If he is genuine about his commitment to reform why is he delaying in doing these things?

The onus on the President is to get things going.

9) Some political analysts have expressed concern that although specific reforms have been outlined, there is no road-map to reform and broad principals are not being discussed. Would you agree?

If you look at things the reform-minded people have been talking about for a long time and what the President talked about on June 9th last year, they do relate to these broad principals.

What is lacking is a coherent and strict timeline to bring about change. For instance, there are many things in the reform issues which are inter-linked. We now need to decide how we will bring them about, which ones first and what effect will certain reforms have on others. That strategic planning is missing. It is not clear who will do it. But if we don’t have that the whole thing could be de-railed very easily.

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15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Founder & Spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Founder & Spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party
1) You chose not to stand for an executive position in the recently held MDP elections for the Provisional Governing Council. Why is that?
I’m perfectly happy to be a founder and the spokesperson. What is important is that the reform agenda goes forward, not whether one has an executive position or not. I distinctly prefer to exercise, if I can, moral authority rather than executive authority.
2) Given that you did not contest, and Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) was elected Chairman of the MDP Council, does this mean Anni is now effectively the leader of the MDP?
No. He is the chairman of the Provisional Governing Council. The party leader would be elected by the whole party membership on the basis of one-member one-vote, when we are able to function in the Maldives more openly and without constraints.
Anni is both energetic and imaginative; he is the best man for the job. He certainly has my full confidence.
You would notice that the Council has made a conscious effort to diffuse the powers of any one individual.
3) How is that?
We have an executive body of four and additionally the Parliamentary Working Group, a registrar-general, two advisors and myself, all with well defined roles and responsibilities. All are responsible to the Council.
This would bring about the necessary checks and balances within the party hierarchy. The idea behind this is to ensure that the party remains true to its ideals of democracy and does not degenerate into an autocratic political institution. Autocracy is precisely what we are struggling against. We need to set an example, practice what we preach.
4) Why then, were the positions of the Council not chosen directly by the membership of the party?
The membership earlier decided to give the responsibility of choosing office-bearers and positions in the Council to the members of the Council till such time as the party is able to function more openly and transparently in the Maldives.
Bear in mind this is only a provisional council. As soon as the party is registered there will be fresh, direct elections from the party membership. Given the present constraints including, for example, our inability to have an open party meeting in the Maldives, the members decided to entrust the 15-member Council to elect a provisional leadership. This is an interim arrangement.
When the party is registered and members can exercise their membership freely and without fear we will have a truly inclusive party election that will attract an even more competent leadership. We look forward to that day.
5) What is the relationship between the MDP Provisional Governing Council and the Parliamentary Working Group (PWG) – who is in charge of who?
The PWG is elected by the Council and will operate within the broad guidelines set out by the Council. Having said that, the group would work independently from the Council as far as the nitty-gritty details are concerned. Many of us in this struggle harbour a deep suspicion of, almost an aversion to, highly centralized authority.
6) So, for instance if you have a major point of principle on constitutional reform, such as whether the party would back a Westminster or a Presidential system of democracy, how would the Council and the PWG come to an agreement if there was a difference of opinion?
The decision of the Council shall necessarily prevail. Keep in mind that the PWG has its authority delegated to it by the Governing Council. As such there must be the discipline to adhere to the basic principles espoused by the party as a whole.
7) After the parliamentary elections, the MDP seems to be going into a new phase, moving from essentially an advocacy group into a properly-functioning political entity. Is this perception correct?
Very much so. As you are aware, MDP-backed candidates won a clear majority of the popular vote in the recent elections, including overwhelming victories in the two urban centres, Male’ and Addu Atoll.
However, we still don’t have a majority in the parliament but we have enough seats to create robust debate. The party needs to build its capacity even further and to work as a responsible opposition, which we will do. As the recent election affirms, MDP’s vision of a just, free, liberal and equitable society based on ideals of democracy, respect for the rule of law and human rights has found resonance in our society. Our strategies and tactics must evolve to effectively achieve such hopes and aspirations. We are hopeful the government will give us the space to work as a responsible opposition.
8) Despite getting a majority of the popular vote, why don’t you have a working majority of seats?
Despite a majority of popular votes, especially in the urban centres, the MDP still does not have a working majority in the parliament because at present there is no proportionate representation and each constituency is represented by two members regardless of the density of the population. For example in Vaavu Atoll the number of eligible voters is 1,197 and in Male the number is 29,763. Yet the constituencies are represented by two members each.
Moreover, the President is able to appoint eight members of his choice, without recourse to a popular democratic mandate whatsoever.
9) Given that the MDP is perceived to have done so well in these elections, are you now dropping your complaints that the elections weren’t free and fair?
No. The election was overwhelmingly rigged in favour of pro-government candidates. This fact can be verified by the statement made by the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives. Moreover, the pre-election environment was hardly conducive to a free and fair election.
At least ten MDP members, who would have most likely won, were unable to contest because of intimidation while under arbitrary detention or because of forced exile. I have no doubt whatsoever that in a free and fair election MDP and reformists would win at least two-thirds of the elected parliamentary seats.
As the Human Rights Commission clearly indicated some candidates “won” their seats, in some constituencies, through widespread electoral fraud. The shockingly poor showing of Gayoom’s cabinet ministers in Male’, Addu and Laam Atoll, where voter intimidation was comparatively more difficult, is indicative of the mood of the people.
10) The government spokesman, Dr Shaheed, alleged in an interview with a newspaper in Sri Lanka that some MDP candidates won because they paid money to voters. Can you comment on this?
I love the good Dr. Shaheed! I consider him one of MDP’s greatest assets. He is so outrageous in his pronouncement, so far removed from the truth that no one – neither the people of Maldives nor the international community – takes him seriously.
As the Human Rights Commission quite rightly stated, money was a factor in the election. Very clearly government resources were liberally and overtly used by pro-government candidates. This is an established fact. It is as if the government was underwriting pro-government candidates.
Then there is the case of a government Minister who had his unofficial business partners as candidates dishing out money by the bag-full to buy seats for themselves. Pro-government candidates openly flouted election laws to get themselves elected. To no one’s surprise Dr Shaheed, as usual, is barking up the wrong tree and he knows it.
11) What does the international community think about the election?
I’m extremely pleased with the reaction of the international community. They now know very clearly and unambiguously that MDP has captured the imagination of the people of Maldives. They know the election proves that, after 27 years of autocratic rule, the country is ripe for freedom and democracy. They know that there is no getting away from genuine reform as opposed to the tokenism that we have seen so far. From a party virtually on trial for treason, as it were, a few months ago the MDP has proved to the people of Maldives as well as to the international community that we represent ideals whose time has come. The message of the electorate is loud and clear: MDP can no longer be marginalised. The international community understands this. The question is, does Gayoom?
12) Is the government listening? I understand that both the government and the MDP are making conciliatory gestures. Is this true?
Given the homogeneity of our society, given the small population, we can and we must resolve our differences amicably and through dialogue. Despite the noises and cosmetic changes, the regime seems unable to grasp this reality. The regime still seems to believe that, through a mixture of coercion and co-option of individuals, it can thwart this movement for freedom. It cannot. As awareness continues to increase in the Maldives, the movement will only grow stronger.
13) So, what are you looking for from the government?
It can start by acknowledging and accepting the fact that our society does face problems. Deep-rooted socio-political and economic problems. Problems related to issues of governance. Problems that cannot be swept under the carpet anymore. Greater courage and political will, as opposed to coercion and intimidation, is now needed. The government, especially Gayoom, needs to be more imaginative, more accommodating.
14) The government would point to the separation of the police and NSS as examples of reform. Police brutality has abated has it not?
Has it really? I believe not.
The brutal crackdown and the subsequent systematic torture, sexual abuse and cruel and degrading treatment meted out to detainees subsequent to last August’s peaceful gathering is the worst show of police excess we have had in recent years. As the overwhelmingly excessive force used on one unarmed person on Election Day clearly demonstrates, a policy of using violence to maintain the regime in power is still very much in force.
The fact that the Maldives, in terms of percentage of GDP, is one of the top-ten spenders in the world on the military is no accident. It is a state policy – a policy of repressing a homogenous nation of less than 300,000 people to maintain the political status quo.
I have credible information that more tools of violence and more sophisticated riot gear is being purchased. Let not sweet sounds about “substantial reforms” lull us into complacency: the Maldives is still a police state. Full stop.
The fact that Police Commissioner Adam Zahir, who is widely regarded as a symbol of police brutality and human rights abuses, is deeply entrenched in power and is still in charge of maintaining the regime in power is a glaring symbol of the oppressive nature of our system of governance.
The new blue police uniforms may well be quite pretty. But, for most people I know that hardly constitutes the “substantial reforms” that Gayoom likes to flaunt. Gayoom needs to move beyond tokenism.
15) So what advice do you have for President Gayoom?
Would he listen to my advice?
Could I submit a wish-list instead?
I wish that Gayoom would, at long last, truly understand that the people of Maldives yearn to get out of the oppressive, archaic, medieval and feudalistic political system we are bogged down in.
I wish Gayoom would understand that fancy rhetoric about change, even if accompanied by an expert PR exercise, does not, per se, result in meaningful change.
I wish Gayoom would appreciate that, to be believable, he needs to back his words with deeds.
He needs to ease off the hardliners and those who continue to violate the people’s fundamental rights under the guise of maintaining law and order.
While on the subject of the law, we look forward to being ruled under the rule of law whereby we could enjoy at least the fundamental civil and political rights guaranteed by the constitution.
I also wish that 42% of my fellow countrymen need not live in poverty amongst plenty. A fairer and more equitable system of distribution of the Nation’s wealth, a more rational, accountable and transparent system of governance that would guarantee such equality needs to be established.
The list goes on…
16) OK, I get the point. What if Gayoom agrees to all those wishes – will the MDP be prepared to work with Gayoom?
Absolutely. In a country this small and this homogenous, where everybody knows everybody else, antagonism need not be the order of things. Like I always say; with goodwill and strong commitment on the part of all stakeholders we can evolve, without recourse to violence, into a vibrant democratic, freedom-loving nation.
Yes, the MDP would back any sincere attempt by President Gayoom to initiate meaningful democratic reform.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Founder & Spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party

1) You chose not to stand for an executive position in the recently held MDP elections for the Provisional Governing Council. Why is that?

I’m perfectly happy to be a founder and the spokesperson. What is important is that the reform agenda goes forward, not whether one has an executive position or not. I distinctly prefer to exercise, if I can, moral authority rather than executive authority.

2) Given that you did not contest, and Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) was elected Chairman of the MDP Council, does this mean Anni is now effectively the leader of the MDP?

No. He is the chairman of the Provisional Governing Council. The party leader would be elected by the whole party membership on the basis of one-member one-vote, when we are able to function in the Maldives more openly and without constraints.

Anni is both energetic and imaginative; he is the best man for the job. He certainly has my full confidence.

You would notice that the Council has made a conscious effort to diffuse the powers of any one individual.

3) How is that?

We have an executive body of four and additionally the Parliamentary Working Group, a registrar-general, two advisors and myself, all with well defined roles and responsibilities. All are responsible to the Council.

This would bring about the necessary checks and balances within the party hierarchy. The idea behind this is to ensure that the party remains true to its ideals of democracy and does not degenerate into an autocratic political institution. Autocracy is precisely what we are struggling against. We need to set an example, practice what we preach.

4) Why then, were the positions of the Council not chosen directly by the membership of the party?

The membership earlier decided to give the responsibility of choosing office-bearers and positions in the Council to the members of the Council till such time as the party is able to function more openly and transparently in the Maldives.

Bear in mind this is only a provisional council. As soon as the party is registered there will be fresh, direct elections from the party membership. Given the present constraints including, for example, our inability to have an open party meeting in the Maldives, the members decided to entrust the 15-member Council to elect a provisional leadership. This is an interim arrangement.

When the party is registered and members can exercise their membership freely and without fear we will have a truly inclusive party election that will attract an even more competent leadership. We look forward to that day.

5) What is the relationship between the MDP Provisional Governing Council and the Parliamentary Working Group (PWG) – who is in charge of who?

The PWG is elected by the Council and will operate within the broad guidelines set out by the Council. Having said that, the group would work independently from the Council as far as the nitty-gritty details are concerned. Many of us in this struggle harbour a deep suspicion of, almost an aversion to, highly centralized authority.

6) So, for instance if you have a major point of principle on constitutional reform, such as whether the party would back a Westminster or a Presidential system of democracy, how would the Council and the PWG come to an agreement if there was a difference of opinion?

The decision of the Council shall necessarily prevail. Keep in mind that the PWG has its authority delegated to it by the Governing Council. As such there must be the discipline to adhere to the basic principles espoused by the party as a whole.

7) After the parliamentary elections, the MDP seems to be going into a new phase, moving from essentially an advocacy group into a properly-functioning political entity. Is this perception correct?

Very much so. As you are aware, MDP-backed candidates won a clear majority of the popular vote in the recent elections, including overwhelming victories in the two urban centres, Male’ and Addu Atoll.

However, we still don’t have a majority in the parliament but we have enough seats to create robust debate. The party needs to build its capacity even further and to work as a responsible opposition, which we will do. As the recent election affirms, MDP’s vision of a just, free, liberal and equitable society based on ideals of democracy, respect for the rule of law and human rights has found resonance in our society. Our strategies and tactics must evolve to effectively achieve such hopes and aspirations. We are hopeful the government will give us the space to work as a responsible opposition.

8) Despite getting a majority of the popular vote, why don’t you have a working majority of seats?

Despite a majority of popular votes, especially in the urban centres, the MDP still does not have a working majority in the parliament because at present there is no proportionate representation and each constituency is represented by two members regardless of the density of the population. For example in Vaavu Atoll the number of eligible voters is 1,197 and in Male the number is 29,763. Yet the constituencies are represented by two members each.

Moreover, the President is able to appoint eight members of his choice, without recourse to a popular democratic mandate whatsoever.

9) Given that the MDP is perceived to have done so well in these elections, are you now dropping your complaints that the elections weren’t free and fair?

No. The election was overwhelmingly rigged in favour of pro-government candidates. This fact can be verified by the statement made by the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives. Moreover, the pre-election environment was hardly conducive to a free and fair election.

At least ten MDP members, who would have most likely won, were unable to contest because of intimidation while under arbitrary detention or because of forced exile. I have no doubt whatsoever that in a free and fair election MDP and reformists would win at least two-thirds of the elected parliamentary seats.

As the Human Rights Commission clearly indicated some candidates “won” their seats, in some constituencies, through widespread electoral fraud. The shockingly poor showing of Gayoom’s cabinet ministers in Male’, Addu and Laam Atoll, where voter intimidation was comparatively more difficult, is indicative of the mood of the people.

10) The government spokesman, Dr Shaheed, alleged in an interview with a newspaper in Sri Lanka that some MDP candidates won because they paid money to voters. Can you comment on this?

I love the good Dr. Shaheed! I consider him one of MDP’s greatest assets. He is so outrageous in his pronouncement, so far removed from the truth that no one – neither the people of Maldives nor the international community – takes him seriously.

As the Human Rights Commission quite rightly stated, money was a factor in the election. Very clearly government resources were liberally and overtly used by pro-government candidates. This is an established fact. It is as if the government was underwriting pro-government candidates.

Then there is the case of a government Minister who had his unofficial business partners as candidates dishing out money by the bag-full to buy seats for themselves. Pro-government candidates openly flouted election laws to get themselves elected. To no one’s surprise Dr Shaheed, as usual, is barking up the wrong tree and he knows it.

11) What does the international community think about the election?

I’m extremely pleased with the reaction of the international community. They now know very clearly and unambiguously that MDP has captured the imagination of the people of Maldives. They know the election proves that, after 27 years of autocratic rule, the country is ripe for freedom and democracy. They know that there is no getting away from genuine reform as opposed to the tokenism that we have seen so far. From a party virtually on trial for treason, as it were, a few months ago the MDP has proved to the people of Maldives as well as to the international community that we represent ideals whose time has come. The message of the electorate is loud and clear: MDP can no longer be marginalised. The international community understands this. The question is, does Gayoom?

12) Is the government listening? I understand that both the government and the MDP are making conciliatory gestures. Is this true?

Given the homogeneity of our society, given the small population, we can and we must resolve our differences amicably and through dialogue. Despite the noises and cosmetic changes, the regime seems unable to grasp this reality. The regime still seems to believe that, through a mixture of coercion and co-option of individuals, it can thwart this movement for freedom. It cannot. As awareness continues to increase in the Maldives, the movement will only grow stronger.

13) So, what are you looking for from the government?

It can start by acknowledging and accepting the fact that our society does face problems. Deep-rooted socio-political and economic problems. Problems related to issues of governance. Problems that cannot be swept under the carpet anymore. Greater courage and political will, as opposed to coercion and intimidation, is now needed. The government, especially Gayoom, needs to be more imaginative, more accommodating.

14) The government would point to the separation of the police and NSS as examples of reform. Police brutality has abated has it not?

Has it really? I believe not.

The brutal crackdown and the subsequent systematic torture, sexual abuse and cruel and degrading treatment meted out to detainees subsequent to last August’s peaceful gathering is the worst show of police excess we have had in recent years. As the overwhelmingly excessive force used on one unarmed person on Election Day clearly demonstrates, a policy of using violence to maintain the regime in power is still very much in force.

The fact that the Maldives, in terms of percentage of GDP, is one of the top-ten spenders in the world on the military is no accident. It is a state policy – a policy of repressing a homogenous nation of less than 300,000 people to maintain the political status quo.

I have credible information that more tools of violence and more sophisticated riot gear is being purchased. Let not sweet sounds about “substantial reforms” lull us into complacency: the Maldives is still a police state. Full stop.

The fact that Police Commissioner Adam Zahir, who is widely regarded as a symbol of police brutality and human rights abuses, is deeply entrenched in power and is still in charge of maintaining the regime in power is a glaring symbol of the oppressive nature of our system of governance.

The new blue police uniforms may well be quite pretty. But, for most people I know that hardly constitutes the “substantial reforms” that Gayoom likes to flaunt. Gayoom needs to move beyond tokenism.

15) So what advice do you have for President Gayoom?

Would he listen to my advice?

Could I submit a wish-list instead?

I wish that Gayoom would, at long last, truly understand that the people of Maldives yearn to get out of the oppressive, archaic, medieval and feudalistic political system we are bogged down in.

I wish Gayoom would understand that fancy rhetoric about change, even if accompanied by an expert PR exercise, does not, per se, result in meaningful change.

I wish Gayoom would appreciate that, to be believable, he needs to back his words with deeds.

He needs to ease off the hardliners and those who continue to violate the people’s fundamental rights under the guise of maintaining law and order.

While on the subject of the law, we look forward to being ruled under the rule of law whereby we could enjoy at least the fundamental civil and political rights guaranteed by the constitution.

I also wish that 42% of my fellow countrymen need not live in poverty amongst plenty. A fairer and more equitable system of distribution of the Nation’s wealth, a more rational, accountable and transparent system of governance that would guarantee such equality needs to be established.

The list goes on…

16) OK, I get the point. What if Gayoom agrees to all those wishes – will the MDP be prepared to work with Gayoom?

Absolutely. In a country this small and this homogenous, where everybody knows everybody else, antagonism need not be the order of things. Like I always say; with goodwill and strong commitment on the part of all stakeholders we can evolve, without recourse to violence, into a vibrant democratic, freedom-loving nation.

Yes, the MDP would back any sincere attempt by President Gayoom to initiate meaningful democratic reform.

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15 Minutes with resort director Ali Shiyam

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Ali Shiyam, a director of AAA Hotels & resorts and member of the Executive Board of Maldives Association of Tourism and Industry (MATI). He was also in the Executive Board of the Maldives National Chamber Commerce and Industry.
AAA Hotels & resorts have 4 resort islands in the Maldives with a bed capacity of over 900, making it one of the top 5 resort companies in terms of bed capacity.
Q1: Politics in the Maldives seems to be moving quickly now, certainly the recent elections are being read as a big change in the political balance of the country. As a leading member of the business community, does this make you feel uncomfortable?
I’m not sure if politics is moving rapidly. It certainly isn’t moving fast enough given the competitive business environment globally. We may think that in our own little world this is good but we are part of a global economic system and that’s where we’re competing. There are so many reforms that are needed now. Many of us don’t see politics shifting nearly fast enough in the direction of business needs.
Q2: In what direction would you like to see political reform move. I mean, what are your key problems?
It’s the uncertainty we sometimes operate in. Business needs to minimize uncertainty. For a business to plan, to grow and mature you need predictable, stable conditions in which to operate. There is room for improvement in Maldives.
The legal environment in the country is more uncertain than one may hope for. The courts are, one might say, dysfunctional, and judges are not competent enough. The lack of judicial independence is also a hindrance. Under such circumstances political interference in the proceedings of the courts is a cause for concern. I feel that the people in the courts are not competent. There is a lack of professional skills, experience and exposure. This also gives room for executive interference.
Q3: What are the reforms the business community is looking for?
There must be checks and balances on the power of the executive. We need a strong separation of powers between the President, the Parliament and the courts. The Parliament has to start making proper laws, practical laws. These laws must be interpreted rationally and objectively.
The Parliament too has to become a meaningful institution where one gets proper debate and scrutiny. The laws that are passed must be relevant to the needs of the business community. That’s where the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) for instance could play a meaningful role.
However, even the laws we do have at the moment aren’t enforced effectively, partly because the court system is ineffective. I mean, what’s the point of having laws if they’re not enforced impartially anyway?
Serious capacity-building of the judiciary is required. We need to for instance, select only the very brightest students, send them to top Western Universities (where they will learn commercial law, not just shari’ia), allow them to stay there and become properly trained in these countries and then come back to the Maldives and work in the profession.
The cost of doing business in the Maldives is made much higher because of this failure. The risks are also greater – we don’t have a system we can confidently rely on because the institutions are comparatively dysfunctional.
Q4: Do you think political reform could bring business and government closer together?
Well, we certainly need much greater co-operation. In the context of the budget, for instance, no one asks us for advice. The private sector has no meaningful involvement with the polices that affect us.
Look, we need much more meaningful engagements with the government. We want a partnership with the government. Business is in my opinion not effectively represented at the moment.
So, we need political will to push through a genuine, meaningful partnership with the government in a structured, predictable way. We need sincerity from both sides too.
The reform process itself also needs to engage with the business community more. We need a real say in how the country, especially the economy, is run and not just a superficial engagement.
Q5: Do you see the MDP as people you can work with? Do you view them as pro-business?
I think what the MDP is advocating is what the business community is looking for. Rather then swapping the people at the top, we need structural changes to the political system. It seems that the MDP is committed to this reform – reforms such as separation of powers and putting in place an effective independent judicial system.
For example, at the moment there is no minimum wage legislation but it is actually in our interest to have that in place, set at the right level. But employees aren’t meaningfully represented in the government either. So even legislation that could be good for both of us isn’t even adequately considered because there are no effective channels for the business community or labour groups to influence the decision-making process.
I feel that MDP is much more open to suggestions and input from various sectors in the Maldives and, quite frankly, they better understand business concerns. They also seem open to reform in general.
There is still no formal platform for the business community to engage with the MDP at the moment but the mood music is on track and the reforms they keep talking about do very much appeal to many of us. They also pick up the phone when you call them.
Q6: What type of reform do you hope for with regard to Maldives courts?
Progress in political reform is an imperative in the Maldives. Even to sustain that we have achieved so far we need them. We need more rational, rule-based system especially within the courts. We must create certainty, stability.
One thing we desperately need to help evolve this process is case law so we can develop principals in court rulings which can be applied to the next similar case. Even this fundamental thing isn’t here.
Paul Robinson’s report on the criminal code says that the Maldivian legal system “fails to do justice”. Ok, this is talking about a criminal code but the principal applies across the board.
The issues that are of core value to the MDP seem to be issues that are important to the business community, that’s imperative to us. If we don’t put these reforms in place soon, if we foot-drag on reform, the market will penalize us.
Q7: Given your background and profession, one would have assumed you would be a lot more conservative in your answers. Is this a fair observation?
It’s all for very selfish reasons, I so strongly advocate fundamental change because I want to protect what I have in the long-run. Without these types of reforms business will not progress as it should.
The big tour operators we work with are also very sympathetic to the need for reform. They understand the imperative for reform for the long-term stability of the tourism industry in the Maldives.
Q8: President Gayoom has made a public commitment to reform within one year…
That’s all well and good. Very encouraging. My honest thoughts? I’m not optimistic that meaningful changes would occur in this timeframe. What I would like to see is a detailed breakdown of how this is going to work out, with a detailed timeframe. Past performance is not particularly encouraging.
I believe a change in mindset is called for. Courage, political will and a strong sense of commitment is needed. My appeal to the Government, to MDP, to hardliners, in fact to our entire community is to put our differences behind us and to work together to ensure that a timeframe for reform is put forward by the President and strictly adhered to.
What we cannot afford, both the business community and the population at large, is to back slide on reform. I firmly believe timely, meaningful political reform is an imperative for a vibrant economy.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Ali Shiyam, a director of AAA Hotels & resorts and member of the Executive Board of Maldives Association of Tourism and Industry (MATI). He was also in the Executive Board of the Maldives National Chamber Commerce and Industry.

AAA Hotels & resorts have 4 resort islands in the Maldives with a bed capacity of over 900, making it one of the top 5 resort companies in terms of bed capacity.

Q1: Politics in the Maldives seems to be moving quickly now, certainly the recent elections are being read as a big change in the political balance of the country. As a leading member of the business community, does this make you feel uncomfortable?

I’m not sure if politics is moving rapidly. It certainly isn’t moving fast enough given the competitive business environment globally. We may think that in our own little world this is good but we are part of a global economic system and that’s where we’re competing. There are so many reforms that are needed now. Many of us don’t see politics shifting nearly fast enough in the direction of business needs.

Q2: In what direction would you like to see political reform move. I mean, what are your key problems?

It’s the uncertainty we sometimes operate in. Business needs to minimize uncertainty. For a business to plan, to grow and mature you need predictable, stable conditions in which to operate. There is room for improvement in Maldives.

The legal environment in the country is more uncertain than one may hope for. The courts are, one might say, dysfunctional, and judges are not competent enough. The lack of judicial independence is also a hindrance. Under such circumstances political interference in the proceedings of the courts is a cause for concern. I feel that the people in the courts are not competent. There is a lack of professional skills, experience and exposure. This also gives room for executive interference.

Q3: What are the reforms the business community is looking for?

There must be checks and balances on the power of the executive. We need a strong separation of powers between the President, the Parliament and the courts. The Parliament has to start making proper laws, practical laws. These laws must be interpreted rationally and objectively.

The Parliament too has to become a meaningful institution where one gets proper debate and scrutiny. The laws that are passed must be relevant to the needs of the business community. That’s where the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) for instance could play a meaningful role.

However, even the laws we do have at the moment aren’t enforced effectively, partly because the court system is ineffective. I mean, what’s the point of having laws if they’re not enforced impartially anyway?

Serious capacity-building of the judiciary is required. We need to for instance, select only the very brightest students, send them to top Western Universities (where they will learn commercial law, not just shari’ia), allow them to stay there and become properly trained in these countries and then come back to the Maldives and work in the profession.

The cost of doing business in the Maldives is made much higher because of this failure. The risks are also greater – we don’t have a system we can confidently rely on because the institutions are comparatively dysfunctional.

Q4: Do you think political reform could bring business and government closer together?

Well, we certainly need much greater co-operation. In the context of the budget, for instance, no one asks us for advice. The private sector has no meaningful involvement with the polices that affect us.

Look, we need much more meaningful engagements with the government. We want a partnership with the government. Business is in my opinion not effectively represented at the moment.

So, we need political will to push through a genuine, meaningful partnership with the government in a structured, predictable way. We need sincerity from both sides too.

The reform process itself also needs to engage with the business community more. We need a real say in how the country, especially the economy, is run and not just a superficial engagement.

Q5: Do you see the MDP as people you can work with? Do you view them as pro-business?

I think what the MDP is advocating is what the business community is looking for. Rather then swapping the people at the top, we need structural changes to the political system. It seems that the MDP is committed to this reform – reforms such as separation of powers and putting in place an effective independent judicial system.

For example, at the moment there is no minimum wage legislation but it is actually in our interest to have that in place, set at the right level. But employees aren’t meaningfully represented in the government either. So even legislation that could be good for both of us isn’t even adequately considered because there are no effective channels for the business community or labour groups to influence the decision-making process.

I feel that MDP is much more open to suggestions and input from various sectors in the Maldives and, quite frankly, they better understand business concerns. They also seem open to reform in general.

There is still no formal platform for the business community to engage with the MDP at the moment but the mood music is on track and the reforms they keep talking about do very much appeal to many of us. They also pick up the phone when you call them.

Q6: What type of reform do you hope for with regard to Maldives courts?

Progress in political reform is an imperative in the Maldives. Even to sustain that we have achieved so far we need them. We need more rational, rule-based system especially within the courts. We must create certainty, stability.

One thing we desperately need to help evolve this process is case law so we can develop principals in court rulings which can be applied to the next similar case. Even this fundamental thing isn’t here.

Paul Robinson’s report on the criminal code says that the Maldivian legal system “fails to do justice”. Ok, this is talking about a criminal code but the principal applies across the board.

The issues that are of core value to the MDP seem to be issues that are important to the business community, that’s imperative to us. If we don’t put these reforms in place soon, if we foot-drag on reform, the market will penalize us.

Q7: Given your background and profession, one would have assumed you would be a lot more conservative in your answers. Is this a fair observation?

It’s all for very selfish reasons, I so strongly advocate fundamental change because I want to protect what I have in the long-run. Without these types of reforms business will not progress as it should.

The big tour operators we work with are also very sympathetic to the need for reform. They understand the imperative for reform for the long-term stability of the tourism industry in the Maldives.

Q8: President Gayoom has made a public commitment to reform within one year…

That’s all well and good. Very encouraging. My honest thoughts? I’m not optimistic that meaningful changes would occur in this timeframe. What I would like to see is a detailed breakdown of how this is going to work out, with a detailed timeframe. Past performance is not particularly encouraging.

I believe a change in mindset is called for. Courage, political will and a strong sense of commitment is needed. My appeal to the Government, to MDP, to hardliners, in fact to our entire community is to put our differences behind us and to work together to ensure that a timeframe for reform is put forward by the President and strictly adhered to.

What we cannot afford, both the business community and the population at large, is to back slide on reform. I firmly believe timely, meaningful political reform is an imperative for a vibrant economy.

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15 Minutes with AK – Minister for Agriculture & Fisheries

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Abdulla Kamaaluddheen (AK), Maldivian Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries.
Q1) You came 4th in the election for Male’, which returns just two seats in the Majlis. Are you still a Minister after the election defeat?
Yes I am. I am the Minister for Agriculture & Fisheries and acting environment minister.
Q2) The incident in Male’ on the 12-13th August was described as an attempted coup by Dr Shaheed but the Maldivian Democratic Party says it was a pro-democracy rally. Do you think the August events impacted on your campaign?
I was unable to get enough concentration of my support. I was involved heavily in the relief effort and I could not get enough concentration to the campaign. That was a failure on my part. The other candidates were able to campaign when I was focused on the Tsunami.
Q3) But I spoke to Ibrahim Ismail earlier and he said he was under house arrest until the last week of December, which he said impacted on his campaign. Yet, he won over 6,500 votes.
President Gayoom decided to not to sue people who were arrested [after the 12-13th August] and that gave a boost to Ibra’s campaign.
Q4) Are you suggesting that President Gayoom should not have dropped the charges against Ibra?
No, not at all. I mean, until the 26th December Ibra was put at a disadvantage but after that I was put at a disadvantage. So, that put us on an equal footing. My election result was a failure on my part not to give enough concentration to my campaign.
Q5) Do you feel you got adequate backing from President Gayoom for your campaign?
I did not seek support from the government. I have been a Member of Parliament since 1992. Out of five elections I’ve stood in so far I’ve lost two and won one and further won two by-elections. So, I’ve been a Member of Parliament for many years.
Q6) President Gayoom was quoted in an AFP interview the other day saying he wanted to introduce a multi-party system into the Maldives. Are you for a multi-party system?
I have always supported a multi-party system for the Maldives. Definitely, now the time is right for a multi-party democracy. A party system would be better for the Maldives and would allow for good people to come into public life.
Q7) So, will you join the Maldivian Democratic Party?
No, I will not and no further comment. This is still a closed society and I don’t want to elaborate on my decision.
I have no personal business interests, I am only interested in serving the people. I will continue my sincere service for the people of the Maldives and I intend to continue that service in whatever capacity I can.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Abdulla Kamaaluddheen (AK), Maldivian Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries.

Q1) You came 4th in the election for Male’, which returns just two seats in the Majlis. Are you still a Minister after the election defeat?

Yes I am. I am the Minister for Agriculture & Fisheries and acting environment minister.

Q2) The incident in Male’ on the 12-13th August was described as an attempted coup by Dr Shaheed but the Maldivian Democratic Party says it was a pro-democracy rally. Do you think the August events impacted on your campaign?

I was unable to get enough concentration of my support. I was involved heavily in the relief effort and I could not get enough concentration to the campaign. That was a failure on my part. The other candidates were able to campaign when I was focused on the Tsunami.

Q3) But I spoke to Ibrahim Ismail earlier and he said he was under house arrest until the last week of December, which he said impacted on his campaign. Yet, he won over 6,500 votes.

President Gayoom decided to not to sue people who were arrested [after the 12-13th August] and that gave a boost to Ibra’s campaign.

Q4) Are you suggesting that President Gayoom should not have dropped the charges against Ibra?

No, not at all. I mean, until the 26th December Ibra was put at a disadvantage but after that I was put at a disadvantage. So, that put us on an equal footing. My election result was a failure on my part not to give enough concentration to my campaign.

Q5) Do you feel you got adequate backing from President Gayoom for your campaign?

I did not seek support from the government. I have been a Member of Parliament since 1992. Out of five elections I’ve stood in so far I’ve lost two and won one and further won two by-elections. So, I’ve been a Member of Parliament for many years.

Q6) President Gayoom was quoted in an AFP interview the other day saying he wanted to introduce a multi-party system into the Maldives. Are you for a multi-party system?

I have always supported a multi-party system for the Maldives. Definitely, now the time is right for a multi-party democracy. A party system would be better for the Maldives and would allow for good people to come into public life.

Q7) So, will you join the Maldivian Democratic Party?

No, I will not and no further comment. This is still a closed society and I don’t want to elaborate on my decision.

I have no personal business interests, I am only interested in serving the people. I will continue my sincere service for the people of the Maldives and I intend to continue that service in whatever capacity I can.

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