Category: Politics

When the Special Majlis was formed to agree an amended constitution for the Maldives, no-one thought it would be a walk in the park.

But fast-forward three years; endless procedural debates, sniping among members and poor attendance have threatened to derail the process altogether.

Ibrahim Ismail (Ibra), Chair of the constitution Drafting Committee, tells Minivan News why the constitution will be complete by the end of the year, hits out at game playing, and talks up his own Presidential hopes.

End of The Year?

Ibra, who has always been sceptical about the 30 November deadline agreed by Special Majlis members, says he is “optimistic” the constitution will be finished “by the end of the year.”

”Members are running out of gas,” he says, but public pressure will force them to complete the dragged out process.

“It’s increasingly more apparent to the public what is happening, and most members have aspirations to run for public office,” Ibra points out.

Despite Ibra’s optimism, members have been unable to agree final versions of several clauses of the bill of rights, the first draft chapter to be considered on the Special Majlis floor.

The Drafting Committee has the unenviable task of writing new versions more likely to receive majority backing from the Special Majlis floor.

So how can consensus be achieved when solutions have to be acceptable to everyone?

Ibra’s reply that it is “is possible,” because “it has to be possible,” is not massively convincing.

Personal Interest

Ibra blames political parties, the Government’s DRP and the opposition MDP account for most Special Majlis members, for failing to whip members behind particular amendments.

“We could have finished this chapter [a bill of rights] by now if there had been more cooperation from them,” he sighs.

But key issues appear to have cut across party lines. A decision on whether to incorporate the Islamic sharia into the draft bill of rights divided the Majlis completely last week, drawing passionate support and criticism from both major parties.

Ibra says these individual battles are tied up in “personal interest” and warns “playing to the public,” could still threaten the constitution’s passage.

Gayoom’s Shadow?

Ibra and the MDP have consistently accused President Gayoom of using his in built majority in the Special Majlis to stall the constitution reform process.

But Ibra says international pressure will prevent Gayoom undermining the process, “however much he would like to.”

“He’s on borrowed time, as far as the international community is concerned,” he says, confidently. “The Government can’t afford to go back on it’s word to major international stakeholders.”

Yet he tells me there has been “more than one occasion” when Gayoom has proposed amendments through party members, to try and slow the process and consolidate power.

“Abbas’ recent amendment was deliberately put on the floor by Gayoom,” he says, referring to the divisive proposal to incorporate sharia into the bill of rights.

“You have to look at these amendments as a sequence,” he adds, arguing Gayoom is plotting to ensure the executive retains significant power under the revised constitution.

Eventually incorporating sharia could give, “ultimate power to the Chief Justice over the Supreme court, by-passing the Majlis [parliament] altogether.”

Ibra for President?

Ibra was among the first to declare his candidacy for next year’s presidential poll. Yet his fledgling Social Liberal Party (SLP) is still not registered, and he faces stiff competition from President Gayoom among others.

So how does he believe he can win?

“I think I have an excellent chance,” he says, although he refuses to disclose exactly how many supporters his party has, because he doesn’t “trust the Electoral Commission.”

Last week former Attorney General Dr Hassan Saeed, launched his own campaign.

Saeed, like Ibra a reform minded candidate, said he had contacted opposition parties to discuss a united front against Gayoom, but Ibra has yet to hear anything.

“It doesn’t bother me,” Ibra says on Dr Saeed’s candidacy. “Maybe Hassan doesn’t consider us a political force within the country, or a party worth consulting. But that’s his prerogative.”

“Good On Anni”

Ibra started his political career in the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party. He was the party’s first president before falling out with MDP chairman Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) over the latter’s refusal to engage with the Government.

Anni himself has been criticised party activists in recent weeks for meeting with representatives of President Gayoom. So does Ibra feel vindicated now Anni is following his own tactics?

Ibra refuses to say I told you so, instead congratulating Anni on taking a necessary political step.

“It’s about time MDP started behaving like a mature political organisation,” according to its former leader.

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Yameen will back President Gayoom’s candidacy in 2008, he has revealed to Minivan News in an exclusive interview.

Abdullah Yameen, Gayoom’s half-brother, quit the Government in April to form the People’s Association (PA). Initially a non-governmental organisation Yameen announced this month PA will be registered as a political party.

The self-proclaimed “normal citizen” tells Susannah Peter why he is supporting his brother, lifts the lid on his own presidential ambitions, and talks more about his democratic credentials.

Gayoom’s My Man

Yameen is adamant that Gayoom is the man for the Maldives in next year’s presidential elections, even though PA have attacked Government policies in for several months.

“Public figures need to know pulse of the people,” he says emphatically. “And the public are looking for someone they can trust, with a good track record, and ability for the top job.

“I believe Gayoom tops the current list of candidates.”

He acknowledges there is “resentment and discontent” among many Maldivians towards his brother, who has ruled the Maldives uninterrupted for thirty years but insists the “alternative candidates just don’t compare.”

“Many young people say Gayoom has been in too long, that we need a change,” he says. “But although he has underperformed in some areas, he’s done a swell job in others.”

Since the birth of his own fledgling political party, his backing of his brother may seem a little surprising.

But he says he is “unsure” whether PA will put forward a candidate.

“We have members who are qualified, considering the list floating about at the moment,” he says. “But at present, Gayoom is still the top man.”

Three other ministers have resigned from the cabinet in recent months openly questioning Gayoom’s commitment to democratic reforms.

Buy Yameen reminds me it was “my brother” who “launched the Roadmap.”

“I think he has been harshly criticised over the reform process,” he adds. “Blame should not rest on one man’s shoulders.

And in an apparent swipe at the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party, Yameen’s political bedfellow in recent months, he says, “Responsibility for constitutional delay, lies with many parties, not just the President.”

An “Embarrassing” Question

“I can categorically say, at this point, I’m not interested,” says Yameen when asked about his own Presidential ambitions, a question he finds “embarrassing.”

“The President is my brother,” he helpfully reminds me. “So I don’t want to talk about myself as the one to take his presidential baton from him.

“And the presidency is not passed through inheritancy,” he adds.

But he would not rule out running for President in the future, even though he insists he has not “given it serious thought.”

“A lot is still open, and circumstances may change.” he smiles. “Ask me again in a few months.”

He disagrees he is tarnished by his relationship with Gayoom, and seems puzzled by the suggestion he is too unpopular to run himself.

“I think that would be a bit harsh,” he frowns.

“Any intelligent person would judge me on my track record. But public perception can be changed, I’m not overly concerned about that.”

“I’m a normal citizen,” he adds, reclining casually in his seat. “And I don’t discuss politics with the President anymore.”

DRP Future?

Gayoom has yet to fill Yameen’s position in his cabinet, although his brother resigned six months ago.

Neither has Yameen been expelled from the DRP despite openly campaigning against the party in parliament and the August referendum.

Former Attorney General Hassan Saeed and Justice Minister Mohamed Jameel have both been vilified by the DRP since resigning and removed from their elected positions within the party at President Gayoom’s request.

This vastly different treatment has prompted speculation that Yameen left Government with the President’s blessing and will return to the fold.

But Yameen says only the President can say why his cabinet position remains open.

“As far as I’m concerned, the job is done,” he says, “I’m not in the DRP any longer. I formally resigned when I announced PA will become a political party.”

The PA campaigned for a parliamentary system in August’s constitution referendum and lost, but “that was never a make or break issue,” he tells me. “And if the public want a presidential system, we have to respect that.”

He flatly denies that he backed a parliamentary system as it represents his most likely route into power, saying it “best reflects the voice of the people.”

He adds he wanted to debate it more when he was a Cabinet member, but it was “difficult” because the President was “flying the presidential flag.”

Born-again Democrat?

Yameen had a reputation as a hardliner within Gayoom’s cabinet.

He fiercely opposed the rapid elevation of young reformist ministers, like Saeed and Jameel, and was closely associated with the Police Commissioner Adam Zahir.

But Yameen denies his long service in Gayoom’s Cabinet undermines his commitment to a “democratic philosophy.” He is a “long-standing,” reformist he says, not a born again democrat.

He talks fondly of Gayoom’s “extensive cabinet consultations” in the 1990s, and cabinet meetings that continued “long into the night.”

“He was much more democratic than people realise,” Yameen suggests.

“But it’s impossible to consult the public on every issue. That would be very expensive. That’s the whole idea of a representative democracy.”

Yameen’s departure from Government came soon after the appointment of financial magnate Gasim Ibrahim as Finance Minister.

Yameen steers clear of questions on his personal relationship with the man many say stands in the way of Yameen’s own political ambitions.

But he does say Gasim “has a lot of explaining to do,” over the economy, which he promises will be the PA’s “main stress.”

“Everyone wants reform,” he explains. “But the best servant of the country is someone who can raise our dismal economy, provide the people with housing, more employment.”

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Tourism dollars have taken the Maldives to the verge of leaving ‘Least Developed Country’ status.

Life expectancy has increased by thirty years in the three decades since the first resort opened, and the Maldives has the highest GDP per capita in South Asia.

So Mohamed Sim Ibrahim, the Secretary General of the Maldives Association of Tourism Industry (MATI), might be expected to be a happy man.

In fact he has overseen the transformation of MATI from a trade association to a powerful lobby group, increasingly opposed to government policy.

In an interview with Minivan News he explains why the tourism industry isn’t growing, and how government mismanagement is threatening to kill the goose that laid the golden egg.

Serious Concerns

The government constantly highlights record occupancy levels. But the truth is the tourism industry is not growing. Demand is outstripping supply and “there must be growth in terms of capacity, more resorts”, Sim begins.

“In 2005 the government auctioned licenses to build resorts on eleven islands, with the slogan ‘a resort in every atoll.’”

Tourism wealth was to spread to the neglected southern atolls and raise living standards.

“But there are serious concerns about whether this will happen,” Sim says.

“Of the eleven resorts promised in 2005, only one has opened. In the meantime, the government is losing revenue from bed tax, and the people are missing out on jobs.”

Blind Auctions

MATI will celebrate its twenty fifth anniversary this month. But it only became an active lobbying organisation, focused on legislative reform, after the Tourism Act in 1999.

The Tourism Act is not business friendly, says Sim bluntly. “The bidding system is the problem.”

“The right to develop a resort is given to the individual or company which promises the government the highest annual rent, in a blind auction.”

“People are encouraged to promise unrealistic rent levels,” according to SIM. “And when the banks see the business plans, they don’t offer finance. Lacking finance, resorts are left unbuilt.”

Some islands auctioned in the 90s have still not been developed into resorts because of this pattern, Sim says.

Reform

Tourism generates two thirds of the Maldives’ foreign currency, ninety percent of government tax revenue and accounts for over half of all employment.

But government ‘short-termism’ is threatening “to kill the goose that laid the golden egg”, Sim says. And MATI is campaigning for three business friendly reforms.

It wants leases to be extended to fifty years. And with leases on the first resorts built in the 1970s about to run out, MATI also says owners to be compensated if they lose resorts.

Most importantly the government must move away from the current bidding process.

“To expand, we need to encourage charter tourists. For this we need lower rents. And owners need the greatest possible flexibility to develop their product,” Sim says.

“MATI’s argument is simple. The interests of the tourism industry and the interests of the country are one and the same thing. Tourism is the biggest, if not the only game in town.”

Trickle Down

But it is hard for some Maldivians to stomach MATI’s complaints. Sim talks to me across a polished boardroom table, with photos of the country’s richest men looking over our heads to the ocean view beyond.

MATI Chairman Mohamed Ummar Maniku, and vice chairs Gasim Ibrahm and Hussain (Champa) Afeef between them own over half of the country’s resorts and are thought to be dollar billionaires.

“There is no way of getting away from it, the big groups own most of the resorts,” Sim concedes.

But MATI is in the business of protecting the rights of everyone associated with the tourism industry, he promises.

Sim speaks confidently of the trickle down of tourist wealth.

“The newly created Maldives Tourism Development Company (MTDC) is fantastic. With shares for as little as Rf500, we can have the man sweeping the beach as a shareholder.”

Tourism accounts for 80 percent of GDP, when you consider multiplier industries, such as shipping and construction, Sim says. And, based on a figure of eight dependents per Maldivian male, he estimates each resort supports around twenty-five thousand people.

Ownership And Opportunity

But for most Maldivians unskilled resort jobs remain the horizon of tourism. What about resort ownership and career opportunities for Maldivians?

“It is not right to say Maldivians don’t have opportunities in the industry,” Sim says.

The statistics are surprising. 80 percent of resort managers are Maldivians and 90 percent of assistant managers, Sim claims.

“All the senior executives of Gasim’s Villa Group, and all but one at Mr Maniku’s Universal Group are Maldivians.”

And again Sim says the government is to blame if more Maldivians are not in senior positions.

“It takes time to train Maldivians to fill top positions. But the government has not paid enough attention to the state-run hotel school,” he laments.

“It does not provide equivalent training to Malaysia, where many Maldivian executives studied on scholarships.”

The government attitude seems to be: resorts do everything else for themselves, so why can’t they train their staff too?

Influence?

So why then do Maldivians feel tourism wealth is concentrated in the hands of the few, in particular the few on MATI’s board?

“If the fruits of tourism are not being spread equitably, there’s very little we can do,” Sim says. “The Finance Minister draws up the budget and parliament votes for it.”

Sim’s argument seems incongruous. The Finance Minister is MATI vice chair Gasim Ibrahim. And Champa Afeef, and (until recently) MU Maniku, are economic advisors to the President.

“Gasim has only been Finance Minister for one year,” Sim reminds me.

While of Champa and Maniku’s positions, he cryptically offers, perhaps their influence is not as great as perceived.

Business Not Politics

Maniku left his role as economic advisor in June after a long alliance with President Gayoom and has refused to publicly explain why.

Business leaders suggest the parting of ways was due to Gayoom’s decision to build a port on Hulhumale, a reclaimed island to the north of the capital Male, to the possible detriment of nearby resorts, including Maniku’s first, Kurumba.

Sim refuses to be drawn on Maniku’s resignation. But he implies the business leaders who head MATI could do a better job of running the economy than politicians.

Gesturing towards the framed photos of MATI’s big three, he says, “If these people had their way, there would be workable, business friendly regulation.”

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Torture victim Abdulla Mahir, who made headlines earlier this month after throwing an egg at President Gayoom during the latter’s official trip to Britain, has vowed to continue his campaign of direct action against the president.

During an exclusive interview with Minivan News in London, Mahir said he would continue to hound Gayoom “until he takes responsibility for what he has done.”

Mahir is demanding that the president affords him “justice and compensation” for injuries Mahir says he sustained at the hands of Gayoom’s security services.

“Every time Gayoom comes to Britain I will confront him,” said Mahir, who has been awarded refugee status in the United Kingdom and granted indefinite leave to remain in the country.

Broken Spine

‘Backbone’ Mahir, as he is ominously referred to by his friends, coined the nickname after his spine was broken by Gayoom’s National Security Service (NSS) guards in on 18 January 1995, his eighteenth birthday.

The interrogation team that Mahir says tortured him was headed by former NSS Sergeant – and now Islamic Democratic Party chief – Umar Naseer.

“Umar Naseer came forward and punched me in the side of the face. Immediately after that Atheef picked me up from my belt and threw me to the floor. I tried to stand but they started kicking me with their military boots. My two friends with me were made to remain sitting in their chairs while I was being beaten.” That is one of the milder extracts from Mahir’s horrific testimony of his time courtesy of the NSS.

Mahir holds Umar Naseer – who denies charges of using torture during his NSS career – responsible for his injuries. Mahir also says Gayoom is culpable because he headed the regime that left Mahir permanently disabled.

Egg Attack

Mahir threw the egg during a Presidential address to the Royal Commonwealth Society in London. Gayoom was nearing the end of a speech on climate change when Mahir, sitting two rows back in the audience, took aim and released his projectile.

Mahir was quickly apprehended by Gayoom’s Maldivian security personnel before he was able to throw a second egg at the president. British police arrived on the scene soon afterwards and took Mahir into custody.

Mahir says he asked officials at the Commonwealth Society to call the British police because he was fearful of the president’s Maldivian personal security guards, who Mahir says manhandled him following the egg attack.

“One man grabbed my neck and head and another tried to hit me,” Mahir said, recounting the incident that has made him famous across the Maldives. “They were pushing their fists into my face and threatening me. When they took me outside of the hall, I thought they would beat me up.”

But Commonwealth Society staff intervened and, according to Mahir, told Gayoom’s security guards to “leave him alone” and “calm down.”

The Commonwealth Society staff took Mahir into a room. The presidential security guards were told to wait outside. “I asked the staff to call English police otherwise Gayoom’s people might do something,” Mahir said.

“When the police came, they said they were there to ‘protect all citizens of this country’ and told me ‘nothing will happen to you.’”

The police asked Mahir why he threw the egg at the president. Mahir explained that it was a protest against the torture he suffered at the hands of Gayoom’s security forces.

The Commonwealth Society staff allegedly confirmed to the police that the egg hit Gayoom on the left hand side of the chest and splattered across his jacket.

A Laughing Matter

“The police took me to Charing Cross Police Station. They said they had to arrest me because it is common assault to hit a person with an egg. The police said that if the egg had missed, they would not have arrested me,” said Mahir.

“The police released me after questioning and said I have to return to the station on 21 August to see if Gayoom has decided to press charges.”

“The police treated me very nicely. One officer said to me ‘I hope things work out in your favour.’”

“Another policeman was laughing throughout the interview,” Mahir added.

“It was 99% different being under British custody compared to being questioned by Maldivian police. The interview technique was different. I was allowed my lawyer to sit with me throughout the interview and the whole thing was tape recorded. At the end, my lawyer was given a copy of the tape recording. Then a doctor and a nurse came to check that Gayoom’s bodyguards hadn’t hurt me.”

Abdulla Mahir Vs Maumoon Gayoom?

Mahir says he hopes President Gayoom decides to press charges against him. He points out that his defence lawyers would be given a copy of the prosecution’s evidence, which would likely include a video recording of the moment when the egg hit the president. The incident was almost certainly captured by the president’s cameraman but the tape has not been made public.

During a trial, the judge may ask for the video images to be shown in court. Mahir says he relishes the prospect of inviting journalists to observe the trial, “So the whole of Maldives can watch the video of the President being hit by an egg.”

If convicted of common assault, Mahir will be issued with a fine or asked to do community service, a punishment that involves civic work such as cleaning graffiti from walls. However, Mahir would most likely be issued with a small fine, as his disability would almost certainly preclude him from carrying out community service.

“Gayoom’s people can’t interfere with justice here, like they do in Maldives. If Gayoom’s people try to interfere with the British legal system, they will be arrested,” Mahir warned.

Quest For Justice

Mahir says he wants compensation from Gayoom for the physical and mental torture that he endured and for the knock-on impact that had on his education.

“Every time Gayoom comes to Britain I will confront him. I can do lots of things to embarrass him. I can go and ask him difficult questions in public; I can shout and throw eggs. He can’t stop me here because Britain is a democracy.”

Mahir believes his vocal stand against Gayoom will “give people more courage” in the Maldives. “I want people to have the courage to protest against Gayoom – but nicely and without violence.”

“I was very close to the President. I could have hit him in the face with that egg. But I was being nice, I didn’t want to hurt his eyes,” Mahir said.

“And I won’t give up. Whether Gayoom is president or not, I will confront him. He has to take responsibility for dozens of people like me who were tortured under his regime.”

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For eight days in June, Maldivians woke to news of an ever growing hunger strike in Maafushi prison, as inmates demanded improved conditions and rehabilitation for drug addicts.

The strike started with the death of inmate Muslih Abbas during a prison break.

It ended with the country’s largest prison exposed as a place where inmates exercise control, everything is available at a price, and guards and police ignore inmates to fight out their own rivalry.

One of the strike leaders, released from a month’s confinement in Dhoonidhoo for his role, tells Minivan News what really happened to Muslih, why inmates went on strike, and how a government “culture change” is needed to control drugs.

”No Control, Nothing To Do”

“Maafushi is like a government funded resort to produce hardened criminals. There is nothing to do, and for a hundred rufiyaa you can bribe a guard to bring you anything you want.” says ‘Moosa’ (name changed.)

The prison is divided into six blocks, with the largest containing just over a hundred inmates. But within each block prisoners have complete freedom.

“All the guard stations are positioned outside. They can’t see what’s going on inside. And because they have no secure space inside, they can only enter in numbers, in force. The way the blocks are laid out forces confrontation.”

In March and April this year, inmates were given control of the whole prison when guards retreated to their quarters in one corner of the island. “I was amazed, but others told me it had happened several times over the years,” says Moosa.

“And it was official. The warden came out and said: as long as you stay within the perimeter you can move between blocks. It was only when people started escaping that they forced us back into our blocks.”

”We decided to break them out”

After Star Force [paramilitary police] were brought to Maafushi in April to restore control, twenty inmates were isolated in Maafushi’s notorious Unit Two. Prisoners are kept in unventilated four by eight feet cells twenty four hours a day, often two at a time.

The treatment of prisoners in Unit Two has caused prisoner breaks in the past, and Moosa says it triggered the June breakout.

“People in Unit Two told us guards had thrown hot water and coffee on Majood Riyaz while he was praying. Majood is a quiet guy who everyone got on with.”

“We had already been speaking to the guards and saying the twenty men had been isolated long enough, and to let them back, so we decided to break them out.”

Individual men from each block climbed their boundary walls and then opened gates to let out fellow inmates. Over two hours between 8 and 10pm the locks to the cells in unit two were broken and the twenty men freed.

“By the time they came he was dead”

“Afterwards some of us were taking charge of getting people back into the blocks, and we saw the last few had broken into the pharmacy to get drugs. There’s no denying it. It’s a fact. Muslih was one of the people who took drugs.”

“But by 11pm we were back in our cells. We called the guards and told them to lock us back in, and things were calm.”

“A few hours later we heard Muslih couldn’t breathe and was lying on a mattress outside his cell. We were all back in our blocks and begging the guards to come but they didn’t. By the time they came he was dead.”

Media Campaign

“That night people in my block were pretty down. At about 3am some of my friends were taking their usual fix. Some of us got upset and decided we should do something about this.”

“We spent a few hours getting support and at 5.30am we told the guards we were on hunger strike, and wanted the Human Rights Commission to come to the island so we could tell them our grievances.”

Moosa explains how strikers made sure their message got out. Three men were charged with speaking to journalists and updating them regularly. Another man was responsible for telephone negotiations with officials.

The strategy worked. With the media so informed, the DPRS had to break their silence after three days and admit a strike was taking place.

And the government gifted the strikers further coverage, when select journalists were invited to a high profile “clean up” operation.

Reporters saw at first hand drugs in every prison block, and prisoners in total control. Inmates’ claims about conditions in Maafushi were proved credible.

Azima Shukoor, the deputy home minister, was dispatched to the island. She acknowledged a list of grievances, and conceded the government had reneged on promises made in 2003 to implement rehabilitation for drug offenders.

Hollow Victory?

But for all the media attention, little has changed since. Thasmeen Ali was shifted from the Home Ministry to the equally powerful Atolls Ministry,

He has been replaced as Home Minister by the staunch loyalist Abdullah Kamal Deen, even less likely to challenge Police Chief Adam Zahir on prisons reform.

The long promised rehabilitation centre on Maafushi is still not open. Prisoners are now being allowed to go abroad for treatment at their own expense, “but not many people can afford that,” says Moosa.

And there is still nothing do in prison. “There used to be a library, but since before I arrived its been used for office space.”

“There was a gym we could use. But in June [2006] when the Star Force [paramilitary police] arrived on the island, they took all the equipment to use in their quarters.”

“There is absolutely no way to study.”

What Next?

But though the strike ended in chaos with Moosa and sixty other “leaders” transferred to Dhoonidhoo, he says it was worth the sacrifice. “The thinking of a lot of prisoners has changed.”

“Before most prisoners couldn’t think beyond Maafushi. Now they see a return to society as a real option, and they are demanding help to get there.”

The change in prisoners’ outlook needs to be matched by the government, says Moosa.

“The government simply doesn’t have the will to tackle rehabilitation. Its been promised for five years, so where is it?”

Moosa says the problem can be traced back to the state’s reaction to the arrival of drugs in the 1990s.

“When hard drugs first started arriving, the first stage should have been treatment. But drugs, and drug users, were criminalised. There are still these ridiculous penalties. Twenty years, thirty years, life, for taking something.”

“People need to change the way they think. They need to believe a second chance is possible for drug addicts. Otherwise we are giving up on a lot of people.”

“One generation has been lost,” Moosa says. “But its not too late to save the next one.”

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In June Dr Mohamed Munavvar won what was expected to be a tight contest with Ibrahim Hussein Zaki for the leadership of the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party, by a landslide.

Munavvar’s victory triggered a war of words between members from Addu and Malé, the Maldives two most populous and developed atolls. Adduans claimed the party hierarchy did not want an outsider as leader, while critics of Dr Munavvar said he was too closely associated with President Gayoom’s regime, and had never shown sufficient commitment to the street protests that are the bedrock of the MDP.

But while Munavvar’s election highlighted divisions, he had stood on a platform of unity, promising to work closely with his rival Zaki, and the party chairman Mohamed Nasheed (Anni). Last week he unveiled his first shadow cabinet which did not include any of his personal supporters, and he has won high praise from Anni so far.

In his first full interview since becoming MDP President, Dr Munavvar commits himself to the MDP’s brand of direct action and reaffirms the party’s priority is to topple President Gayooom. But he also promises under his leadership the MDP will offer Maldivians a vision of how the party would run the country.

Protest and Policy

Dr Munavvar confronts concerns about his leadership head on. “People are right to say I have not been physically present at street demonstrations. But my position is clear. The government has been forced to give in on a number of important issues, when people have taken direct action. I fully understand the value of direct action, especially in an oppressive political atmosphere.”

And he adds the words many MDP supporters have been demanding. “If direct action is needed to achieve any objective of the party, I will support it, and I will be at the forefront of it.”

He reaffirms, “the aim of the MDP is to overthrow Gayoom,” and warns “we cannot think we are in a functioning democracy.” But Munavvar also says people should not “view the MDP only as a party of protest.”

“When someone is asked what it would be like to live under an MDP government, they should be able to visualise clearly what the country will be like. There is a lot of ground to cover in this. We need to let people know what are our policies and how we will deliver them.”

Shared Leadership

And this is where his election posters, which contrasted a picture of Anni and Zaki under the banner, “Good,” with a second picture of Dr Munavvar alongside Anni and Zaki, under the banner, “Better,” begins to make sense.

“My addition to the leadership will be bringing the policies of the party to the people, convincing them of the sustainability of the policies, and our ability to deliver them.”

Munavvar emphasises the word “addition,” and he pays tribute to the contributions of Anni and Zaki to the party, reassuring both of their continued importance.

“Zaki’s experience in foreign affairs is crucial and will be used,” Munavvar says. Asked why Zaki has lost his foreign affairs portfolio in Munavvar’s shadow cabinet, he explains, “It is not appropriate for a personality like Zaki’s to be limited to a single portfolio. His role is wider than that and I will work very closely with him on every issue.”

On Anni’s role in the party, Munavvar is even more complimentary. “Anni has been part of the party since the very beginning. His contribution has been invaluable and no one should diminish it.” For the future, he says, “Anni’s role in organising and delivering on direct action will be very important.”

Unity

And Munavvar is quick to dismiss accusations Anni has a dictatorial approach to leadership.

“To build a party in a country where a regime has been in power for thirty years and is doing all it can to retain power is not easy. A lot of people are dependent on the government, and cannot do or say things they want to. In this situation a lot of things have had to be done by Anni.”

Munavvar says it is Anni’s willingness to take the lead which has led to criticisms of his style. Rejecting such criticisms, Munavvar instead says he recognises Anni’s “sacrifices.”

Munavvar accuses the government of “amplifying rifts between islands,” to divide the MDP. By encouraging Addu people to be suspicious of Malé people, such as Anni, and vice-versa, Munavvar says “the government tries to gain support for themselves instead.”

But, he reiterates, “The MDP belongs to its members and party constitution says it will not discriminate on the basis of the island or family a member is from.”

Learning Process

Munavvar has assembled his first shadow cabinet, in which six of his ten appointees are MPs. Conflict between MPs and the National Council, which in the past have been shorthand for constitutionalists and militants, has been a recurring problem for the MDP.

The party’s first president, the MP Ibrahim Ismail, resigned accusing the National Council and Anni of imposing militancy on MPs. While in November 2006, MPs warned party activists against using violence during a planned nationwide demonstration.

But Dr Munavvar says this apparent vulnerability of the party is actually a strength, a sign of “the tolerance of diversity of political opinion in the party.” Dr Munavvar says past clashes between the governing institutions of the party were part of a “learning process.”

“Politics is about making the right choices and the right compromises at the right time, and the relationships between organs of the party should reflect this.”

Unilateral

And Munavvar says the MDP’s internal debate contrasts favourably with the government’s Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP). He says President Gayoom’s recent unilateral declaration he will be the DRP’s presidential candidate in 2008, “showed a lack of knowledge of how the party system works and how people face elections.”

“People run in elections because they have a vision for the country and confidence in the people to trust this vision. But Gayoom has none of this. He says he is running because a party regulations says so, and this is the worst possible reason.”

But Munavvar welcomes Gayoom’s announcement, saying “it makes it easier to campaign for a parliamentary system,” in the August referendum to decide between a presidential and parliamentary system.

If Maldivians chose a parliamentary system in August, the post of president will be abolished, and Gayoom’s declaration will be meaningless. Munavvar says he is confident, “the people of this country will not tolerate Gayoom running in another election.”

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On 29 April the Maldivian National Congress (MNC) announced itself as a new reformist party with a full page advert in the opposition organ, Minivan Daily.With a media team arranging access to the party’s leader Mohamed (Monaza) Naeem, a website boasting revolutionary icons, and an orange “platform” leaflet, the party seems ready for business.

The party’s platform statement offers up a heady mix of radical democracy and socialist economics, promising “democracy will permeate relationships between people” and “social ownership of the Maldivian natural resources for the benefit of Maldivians.”

But the details of this program are far from worked out. Monaza says the Maldives needs “more privatisation,” before condemning “foreign investors who want short term gains.” And the “non-oppressive relationships within an Islamic framework,” promised in the MNC platform, turn out not to be as radically democratic as they sound.

Yet talking to Monaza, a coherent idea of the MNC does emerge. His idea, put simply, is that the country’s government should be accountable to Maldivians. But rather than the European political rhetoric of the platform, his vision for society springs from his Islamic faith, which, even in a short meeting, it is clear he takes very seriously.

Backstory

“If this party stands for one thing, it is that what happened to my father should never be allowed to happen to anyone else,” Monaza’s son, Muzaffar, the author of the party’s platform says with typical political flair. But with an understanding of Monaza’s personal motive for establishing the MNC, the party dose makes more sense.

Monaza‘s ex-wife Khadeeja Hassan is head of the powerful Maldives Monetary Authority, and a close friend of President Gayoom’s wife, Nashreena.

In 2004, Khadeeja successfully lobbied the Tourism Ministry to hand ownership of the Ranveli resort, joint-owned by herself and Naeem, to Khadeeja outright. The action was taken while Monaza was in Mecca on the Umra pilgrimage and thirteen of his personal and company bank accounts were frozen by the MMA.

Freedom

Unlike the established opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), when Monaza criticises “the holders of abusive political power,” he is more concerned with economic than political freedom.

“This country has no proper economic system,” he says. “The government should privatise and become a government alone, regulators of the economy.”

Instead, Monaza says, the government owns and runs the economy, controlling people through it. “You cannot say they do not know what they are doing. They have these policies which make everyone dependent, begging them for their daily bread.”

And Monaza says this is because, “the people in power feel if the Maldivians are breathing easily, if they have economic freedom and a fruitful life, it is a threat to the people in control.”

He says the problems of the economy are becoming increasingly apparent. On the recent drivers’ strike, Monaza says “the people of this country should recognise it as a first alarm. And soon there will be a blast if people don’t realise the gravity of the situation.”

Foreigners

When challenged on the contradictions between his call for privatisation, and the “social ownership” described in the party’s platform, Monaza reveals a strongly nationalist bent to MNC politics.

“Ultimately our islands are the property of Maldivian people,” Monaza says. But because, “foreigners are made welcome to buy whole islands, the Maldivian fellow becomes a slave to these foreign owners.”

“We do not want Maldivians to suffer anymore,” Monaza explains simply. And when the government stop selling resorts, “for short term economic benefit to just a few people,” he says Maldivians will grow rich off tourism.

“It’s not difficult,” Monaza promises, “all we need is for some experts to come in and overhaul the whole system, and there won’t be any poor men or beggars on the street anymore.”

Faith

Monaza’s Dhivehi pride is married to a strong Islamic faith. Asked whether women should be allowed to be judges, Monaza says, “as a nation practicing Islam for nearly a thousand years, all our positions should follow Muslim rules and regulations.” Indeed, “all the major problems in society are because we are not following religion properly.”

Monaza’s son tells me the day after the interview, “the party’s position on female judges is there should be no restriction. But what cases they can rule on, is a matter to be discussed at a higher level,” cleverly deferring the controversial part of the question to the Islamic Majlis or another body.

But Monaza himself is less guarded and works through the issue of women in society during the interview. “As a real Muslim it is very difficult to comment on this… But every court cannot have a judge as a woman. Women have different duties assigned by God. They have the capacity to take care of the family, home, and society, and it would be too much to ask them to make these decisions too.”

Peaceful Means

Monaza’s reformist zeal is relatively new. “As a senior citizen of this nation,” he confirms he has been regularly asked to join the government’s Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party, and has even attended some parliamentary group meetings, “to hear what President Gayoom has to say.”

“But I was not part of the party at all,” he says. And Monaza is now a critic of the DRP’s status as a ruling party, because no MPs were elected on a party ticket. “We never handed over power to a party called DRP, only to President Gayoom. The government should not be abusing power and setting up DRP as the ruling party, just because it is theirs.”

The MNC does not intend to steal the MDP’s clothes as the party of street protest. “In my mind I do not agree with such actions and things like that,” Monaza says. He hopes to carve out a political reputation by showing “reform can be delivered through the Majlis.”

Monaza was recently made head of the Business Committee of the Special Majlis, the body which has spent three long years agreeing a new constitution for the country.

“There are many things for [the Special Majlis] to do,” admits Monaza. But he says “by overhauling [the business committee] with new rules of procedure,” work on the constitution will accelerate.

According to Monaza, under Aneesa Ahmed, the former DRP chair of the committee, “we only met on the instructions of the [Special Majlis] speaker. Now the speaker must come to me and exchange views before we call a session.”

Yameen Links

The MNC has only officially existed since the Election Commission gave it permission to seek the 3,000 signatures required for registration in March. But in its short life, the party has become closely associated with Abdullah Yameen, the President’s half brother, and his People’s Association (PA).

Although the PA is not formally a political party, it is considered a faction within the People’s and Special Majlis. Monaza is on the governing council of the PA, and follows the PA line in parliament.

“We are not building this party as their house,” Monaza says. And he emphasises, “the party is funded completely by my own business.” Or, as his son points out, “we are not for sale.”

But Monaza does not rule out the possibility of Yameen becoming leader of the party and an MNC presidential candidate, “he has not joined us yet and we would look at the question at that point.”

In the meantime, Monaza confirms he has a close political relationship with Yameen. “Mr Yameen is a good politician and any little things we can do for reform, we will do.”

The combination of Monaza’s faith and his son’s political savvy could make for an interesting new political party. But whether the public take the MNC seriously as a party in its own right may well depend on the development of its political relationship with Yameen and the PA.

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Last week pioneering opposition radio station Minivan Radio failed to secure a frequency to broadcast in the Maldives, leading local media, including ourselves, to question its viability.

Reflecting on the failed frequency bid, the radio’s editor Shaheeda Fathimath tells MN there are no plans to close the station.

She robustly defends the station’s independence, distancing it from both Minivan Daily and Minivan News, and controversially calls for the other organisations to change their names.

And she admits Minivan Radio would sign the Information Ministry’s Agreement to secure broadcasting in the Maldives.

Future’s Bright

“Minivan Radio’s future is very, very bright. We will not stop,” Shaheeda says emphatically.

“There are many options to continue,” she argues, pointing out the one hour daily broadcasts are still available to download from the internet.

Until now Minivan Radio has been the only alternative to government broadcaster Voice of Maldives. But after last week’s distribution of FM frequencies, a number of competitors will be broadcasting on FM twenty-four hours a day.

“Even if they have an alternative people will go for Minivan Radio,” Shaheeda says. “The people have accepted Minivan Radio. It is the people’s radio. They trust it.”

Shaheeda lists Short Wave broadcasts and selling content to other stations as possible revenue raising options. But it is clear she still sees FM broadcasting as the way forward. “TAM have said they have more reserved frequencies. We can always ask them again.”

Credibility

To begin broadcasting, companies must sign an agreement with the Information Ministry, which will regulate radio. Shaheeda argues the agreement is incompatible with independence.

“I don’t believe in the Agreement. I don’t believe in the Content Committee [the body established by the Agreement to regulate content]. I don’t believe in the Minister selecting eight members for the Content Committee. If that’s the case its not fair.”

“We cannot have an independent media unless we have it on [the government’s] terms, and this is not democracy,” she says. “If someone abides by this Agreement, they cannot be independent.”

No Choice

Last week Shaheeda criticised the distribution of frequencies by blind auction.

“I have already proved I can run a radio. I have been doing this for three years,” she said. “But these frequencies are for the rich. They don’t care as long as they can get money out of this. It is a commercial venture.”

But beyond the rhetoric, Shaheeda accepts the commercialisation of radio and agrees, “in some ways it is a positive development.”

“I’m not criticising commercial broadcasters. I don’t have anything against them. I am for them and I am with them. If I had money to compete with them, I would.”

The problem for Shaheeda is not that frequencies were sold commercially, but that broadcasters will have to sign the Information Ministry Agreement.

But she says broadcasters have no choice, and Minivan Radio too would sign the agreement if they had won a frequency.

“I would sign an agreement. I have no choice. It means I will be more like the state media. I will have to make compromises.”

“This is the hard part,” she laments. “There are a lot of people who call me and tell me not to sign an agreement, but it is the only way. And if I sign it, that means I have to abide by it.”

Independence

Minivan Radio has often been accused of being anti-government, a charge which Shaheeda emphatically denies.

“We give the people the news. We try to get the whole angle on it. This includes the government. We try. Everytime we try. But they don’t cooperate and they don’t give us information.”

Although Shaheeda will not reveal the names of Minivan Radio’s funders as “they would get hurt,” she says funders have never interfered with editorial.

“If someone wants to help Minivan Radio, I say there can be no conditions. I tell them even if you call me once and ask me to change something, I will quit.”

Which Minivan

Shaheeda wants to distance Minivan Radio from Minvan Daily and Minivan News. “All the time people think that Minivan Radio and Minivan Daily are together. But we don’t have the same editorial policy, we don’t have the same management, we are independent.”

But with all three organisations operating from the same premises and sharing the same name, Shaheeda admits it is hard to establish any distance.

“I have tried many times to change the premises. I have asked many people to give me an apartment but they are quoting so much more than I pay that I can’t.”

And she says the other two organisations should not have taken on the Minivan name. “I am the one who started Minivan. First came Minivan Radio three years ago, then Minivan News and then Minivan Daily. I don’t know how and I don’t know why Minivan Daily got my logo. I have a problem with that.”

“I wish Minivan Daily would change their name. I wish Minivan News would change their name. I am not asking them to, but I wish it would happen.”

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