15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Founder & Spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Founder & Spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party
1) You chose not to stand for an executive position in the recently held MDP elections for the Provisional Governing Council. Why is that?
I’m perfectly happy to be a founder and the spokesperson. What is important is that the reform agenda goes forward, not whether one has an executive position or not. I distinctly prefer to exercise, if I can, moral authority rather than executive authority.
2) Given that you did not contest, and Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) was elected Chairman of the MDP Council, does this mean Anni is now effectively the leader of the MDP?
No. He is the chairman of the Provisional Governing Council. The party leader would be elected by the whole party membership on the basis of one-member one-vote, when we are able to function in the Maldives more openly and without constraints.
Anni is both energetic and imaginative; he is the best man for the job. He certainly has my full confidence.
You would notice that the Council has made a conscious effort to diffuse the powers of any one individual.
3) How is that?
We have an executive body of four and additionally the Parliamentary Working Group, a registrar-general, two advisors and myself, all with well defined roles and responsibilities. All are responsible to the Council.
This would bring about the necessary checks and balances within the party hierarchy. The idea behind this is to ensure that the party remains true to its ideals of democracy and does not degenerate into an autocratic political institution. Autocracy is precisely what we are struggling against. We need to set an example, practice what we preach.
4) Why then, were the positions of the Council not chosen directly by the membership of the party?
The membership earlier decided to give the responsibility of choosing office-bearers and positions in the Council to the members of the Council till such time as the party is able to function more openly and transparently in the Maldives.
Bear in mind this is only a provisional council. As soon as the party is registered there will be fresh, direct elections from the party membership. Given the present constraints including, for example, our inability to have an open party meeting in the Maldives, the members decided to entrust the 15-member Council to elect a provisional leadership. This is an interim arrangement.
When the party is registered and members can exercise their membership freely and without fear we will have a truly inclusive party election that will attract an even more competent leadership. We look forward to that day.
5) What is the relationship between the MDP Provisional Governing Council and the Parliamentary Working Group (PWG) – who is in charge of who?
The PWG is elected by the Council and will operate within the broad guidelines set out by the Council. Having said that, the group would work independently from the Council as far as the nitty-gritty details are concerned. Many of us in this struggle harbour a deep suspicion of, almost an aversion to, highly centralized authority.
6) So, for instance if you have a major point of principle on constitutional reform, such as whether the party would back a Westminster or a Presidential system of democracy, how would the Council and the PWG come to an agreement if there was a difference of opinion?
The decision of the Council shall necessarily prevail. Keep in mind that the PWG has its authority delegated to it by the Governing Council. As such there must be the discipline to adhere to the basic principles espoused by the party as a whole.
7) After the parliamentary elections, the MDP seems to be going into a new phase, moving from essentially an advocacy group into a properly-functioning political entity. Is this perception correct?
Very much so. As you are aware, MDP-backed candidates won a clear majority of the popular vote in the recent elections, including overwhelming victories in the two urban centres, Male’ and Addu Atoll.
However, we still don’t have a majority in the parliament but we have enough seats to create robust debate. The party needs to build its capacity even further and to work as a responsible opposition, which we will do. As the recent election affirms, MDP’s vision of a just, free, liberal and equitable society based on ideals of democracy, respect for the rule of law and human rights has found resonance in our society. Our strategies and tactics must evolve to effectively achieve such hopes and aspirations. We are hopeful the government will give us the space to work as a responsible opposition.
8) Despite getting a majority of the popular vote, why don’t you have a working majority of seats?
Despite a majority of popular votes, especially in the urban centres, the MDP still does not have a working majority in the parliament because at present there is no proportionate representation and each constituency is represented by two members regardless of the density of the population. For example in Vaavu Atoll the number of eligible voters is 1,197 and in Male the number is 29,763. Yet the constituencies are represented by two members each.
Moreover, the President is able to appoint eight members of his choice, without recourse to a popular democratic mandate whatsoever.
9) Given that the MDP is perceived to have done so well in these elections, are you now dropping your complaints that the elections weren’t free and fair?
No. The election was overwhelmingly rigged in favour of pro-government candidates. This fact can be verified by the statement made by the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives. Moreover, the pre-election environment was hardly conducive to a free and fair election.
At least ten MDP members, who would have most likely won, were unable to contest because of intimidation while under arbitrary detention or because of forced exile. I have no doubt whatsoever that in a free and fair election MDP and reformists would win at least two-thirds of the elected parliamentary seats.
As the Human Rights Commission clearly indicated some candidates “won” their seats, in some constituencies, through widespread electoral fraud. The shockingly poor showing of Gayoom’s cabinet ministers in Male’, Addu and Laam Atoll, where voter intimidation was comparatively more difficult, is indicative of the mood of the people.
10) The government spokesman, Dr Shaheed, alleged in an interview with a newspaper in Sri Lanka that some MDP candidates won because they paid money to voters. Can you comment on this?
I love the good Dr. Shaheed! I consider him one of MDP’s greatest assets. He is so outrageous in his pronouncement, so far removed from the truth that no one – neither the people of Maldives nor the international community – takes him seriously.
As the Human Rights Commission quite rightly stated, money was a factor in the election. Very clearly government resources were liberally and overtly used by pro-government candidates. This is an established fact. It is as if the government was underwriting pro-government candidates.
Then there is the case of a government Minister who had his unofficial business partners as candidates dishing out money by the bag-full to buy seats for themselves. Pro-government candidates openly flouted election laws to get themselves elected. To no one’s surprise Dr Shaheed, as usual, is barking up the wrong tree and he knows it.
11) What does the international community think about the election?
I’m extremely pleased with the reaction of the international community. They now know very clearly and unambiguously that MDP has captured the imagination of the people of Maldives. They know the election proves that, after 27 years of autocratic rule, the country is ripe for freedom and democracy. They know that there is no getting away from genuine reform as opposed to the tokenism that we have seen so far. From a party virtually on trial for treason, as it were, a few months ago the MDP has proved to the people of Maldives as well as to the international community that we represent ideals whose time has come. The message of the electorate is loud and clear: MDP can no longer be marginalised. The international community understands this. The question is, does Gayoom?
12) Is the government listening? I understand that both the government and the MDP are making conciliatory gestures. Is this true?
Given the homogeneity of our society, given the small population, we can and we must resolve our differences amicably and through dialogue. Despite the noises and cosmetic changes, the regime seems unable to grasp this reality. The regime still seems to believe that, through a mixture of coercion and co-option of individuals, it can thwart this movement for freedom. It cannot. As awareness continues to increase in the Maldives, the movement will only grow stronger.
13) So, what are you looking for from the government?
It can start by acknowledging and accepting the fact that our society does face problems. Deep-rooted socio-political and economic problems. Problems related to issues of governance. Problems that cannot be swept under the carpet anymore. Greater courage and political will, as opposed to coercion and intimidation, is now needed. The government, especially Gayoom, needs to be more imaginative, more accommodating.
14) The government would point to the separation of the police and NSS as examples of reform. Police brutality has abated has it not?
Has it really? I believe not.
The brutal crackdown and the subsequent systematic torture, sexual abuse and cruel and degrading treatment meted out to detainees subsequent to last August’s peaceful gathering is the worst show of police excess we have had in recent years. As the overwhelmingly excessive force used on one unarmed person on Election Day clearly demonstrates, a policy of using violence to maintain the regime in power is still very much in force.
The fact that the Maldives, in terms of percentage of GDP, is one of the top-ten spenders in the world on the military is no accident. It is a state policy – a policy of repressing a homogenous nation of less than 300,000 people to maintain the political status quo.
I have credible information that more tools of violence and more sophisticated riot gear is being purchased. Let not sweet sounds about “substantial reforms” lull us into complacency: the Maldives is still a police state. Full stop.
The fact that Police Commissioner Adam Zahir, who is widely regarded as a symbol of police brutality and human rights abuses, is deeply entrenched in power and is still in charge of maintaining the regime in power is a glaring symbol of the oppressive nature of our system of governance.
The new blue police uniforms may well be quite pretty. But, for most people I know that hardly constitutes the “substantial reforms” that Gayoom likes to flaunt. Gayoom needs to move beyond tokenism.
15) So what advice do you have for President Gayoom?
Would he listen to my advice?
Could I submit a wish-list instead?
I wish that Gayoom would, at long last, truly understand that the people of Maldives yearn to get out of the oppressive, archaic, medieval and feudalistic political system we are bogged down in.
I wish Gayoom would understand that fancy rhetoric about change, even if accompanied by an expert PR exercise, does not, per se, result in meaningful change.
I wish Gayoom would appreciate that, to be believable, he needs to back his words with deeds.
He needs to ease off the hardliners and those who continue to violate the people’s fundamental rights under the guise of maintaining law and order.
While on the subject of the law, we look forward to being ruled under the rule of law whereby we could enjoy at least the fundamental civil and political rights guaranteed by the constitution.
I also wish that 42% of my fellow countrymen need not live in poverty amongst plenty. A fairer and more equitable system of distribution of the Nation’s wealth, a more rational, accountable and transparent system of governance that would guarantee such equality needs to be established.
The list goes on…
16) OK, I get the point. What if Gayoom agrees to all those wishes – will the MDP be prepared to work with Gayoom?
Absolutely. In a country this small and this homogenous, where everybody knows everybody else, antagonism need not be the order of things. Like I always say; with goodwill and strong commitment on the part of all stakeholders we can evolve, without recourse to violence, into a vibrant democratic, freedom-loving nation.
Yes, the MDP would back any sincere attempt by President Gayoom to initiate meaningful democratic reform.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Founder & Spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party

1) You chose not to stand for an executive position in the recently held MDP elections for the Provisional Governing Council. Why is that?

I’m perfectly happy to be a founder and the spokesperson. What is important is that the reform agenda goes forward, not whether one has an executive position or not. I distinctly prefer to exercise, if I can, moral authority rather than executive authority.

2) Given that you did not contest, and Mohamed Nasheed (Anni) was elected Chairman of the MDP Council, does this mean Anni is now effectively the leader of the MDP?

No. He is the chairman of the Provisional Governing Council. The party leader would be elected by the whole party membership on the basis of one-member one-vote, when we are able to function in the Maldives more openly and without constraints.

Anni is both energetic and imaginative; he is the best man for the job. He certainly has my full confidence.

You would notice that the Council has made a conscious effort to diffuse the powers of any one individual.

3) How is that?

We have an executive body of four and additionally the Parliamentary Working Group, a registrar-general, two advisors and myself, all with well defined roles and responsibilities. All are responsible to the Council.

This would bring about the necessary checks and balances within the party hierarchy. The idea behind this is to ensure that the party remains true to its ideals of democracy and does not degenerate into an autocratic political institution. Autocracy is precisely what we are struggling against. We need to set an example, practice what we preach.

4) Why then, were the positions of the Council not chosen directly by the membership of the party?

The membership earlier decided to give the responsibility of choosing office-bearers and positions in the Council to the members of the Council till such time as the party is able to function more openly and transparently in the Maldives.

Bear in mind this is only a provisional council. As soon as the party is registered there will be fresh, direct elections from the party membership. Given the present constraints including, for example, our inability to have an open party meeting in the Maldives, the members decided to entrust the 15-member Council to elect a provisional leadership. This is an interim arrangement.

When the party is registered and members can exercise their membership freely and without fear we will have a truly inclusive party election that will attract an even more competent leadership. We look forward to that day.

5) What is the relationship between the MDP Provisional Governing Council and the Parliamentary Working Group (PWG) – who is in charge of who?

The PWG is elected by the Council and will operate within the broad guidelines set out by the Council. Having said that, the group would work independently from the Council as far as the nitty-gritty details are concerned. Many of us in this struggle harbour a deep suspicion of, almost an aversion to, highly centralized authority.

6) So, for instance if you have a major point of principle on constitutional reform, such as whether the party would back a Westminster or a Presidential system of democracy, how would the Council and the PWG come to an agreement if there was a difference of opinion?

The decision of the Council shall necessarily prevail. Keep in mind that the PWG has its authority delegated to it by the Governing Council. As such there must be the discipline to adhere to the basic principles espoused by the party as a whole.

7) After the parliamentary elections, the MDP seems to be going into a new phase, moving from essentially an advocacy group into a properly-functioning political entity. Is this perception correct?

Very much so. As you are aware, MDP-backed candidates won a clear majority of the popular vote in the recent elections, including overwhelming victories in the two urban centres, Male’ and Addu Atoll.

However, we still don’t have a majority in the parliament but we have enough seats to create robust debate. The party needs to build its capacity even further and to work as a responsible opposition, which we will do. As the recent election affirms, MDP’s vision of a just, free, liberal and equitable society based on ideals of democracy, respect for the rule of law and human rights has found resonance in our society. Our strategies and tactics must evolve to effectively achieve such hopes and aspirations. We are hopeful the government will give us the space to work as a responsible opposition.

8) Despite getting a majority of the popular vote, why don’t you have a working majority of seats?

Despite a majority of popular votes, especially in the urban centres, the MDP still does not have a working majority in the parliament because at present there is no proportionate representation and each constituency is represented by two members regardless of the density of the population. For example in Vaavu Atoll the number of eligible voters is 1,197 and in Male the number is 29,763. Yet the constituencies are represented by two members each.

Moreover, the President is able to appoint eight members of his choice, without recourse to a popular democratic mandate whatsoever.

9) Given that the MDP is perceived to have done so well in these elections, are you now dropping your complaints that the elections weren’t free and fair?

No. The election was overwhelmingly rigged in favour of pro-government candidates. This fact can be verified by the statement made by the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives. Moreover, the pre-election environment was hardly conducive to a free and fair election.

At least ten MDP members, who would have most likely won, were unable to contest because of intimidation while under arbitrary detention or because of forced exile. I have no doubt whatsoever that in a free and fair election MDP and reformists would win at least two-thirds of the elected parliamentary seats.

As the Human Rights Commission clearly indicated some candidates “won” their seats, in some constituencies, through widespread electoral fraud. The shockingly poor showing of Gayoom’s cabinet ministers in Male’, Addu and Laam Atoll, where voter intimidation was comparatively more difficult, is indicative of the mood of the people.

10) The government spokesman, Dr Shaheed, alleged in an interview with a newspaper in Sri Lanka that some MDP candidates won because they paid money to voters. Can you comment on this?

I love the good Dr. Shaheed! I consider him one of MDP’s greatest assets. He is so outrageous in his pronouncement, so far removed from the truth that no one – neither the people of Maldives nor the international community – takes him seriously.

As the Human Rights Commission quite rightly stated, money was a factor in the election. Very clearly government resources were liberally and overtly used by pro-government candidates. This is an established fact. It is as if the government was underwriting pro-government candidates.

Then there is the case of a government Minister who had his unofficial business partners as candidates dishing out money by the bag-full to buy seats for themselves. Pro-government candidates openly flouted election laws to get themselves elected. To no one’s surprise Dr Shaheed, as usual, is barking up the wrong tree and he knows it.

11) What does the international community think about the election?

I’m extremely pleased with the reaction of the international community. They now know very clearly and unambiguously that MDP has captured the imagination of the people of Maldives. They know the election proves that, after 27 years of autocratic rule, the country is ripe for freedom and democracy. They know that there is no getting away from genuine reform as opposed to the tokenism that we have seen so far. From a party virtually on trial for treason, as it were, a few months ago the MDP has proved to the people of Maldives as well as to the international community that we represent ideals whose time has come. The message of the electorate is loud and clear: MDP can no longer be marginalised. The international community understands this. The question is, does Gayoom?

12) Is the government listening? I understand that both the government and the MDP are making conciliatory gestures. Is this true?

Given the homogeneity of our society, given the small population, we can and we must resolve our differences amicably and through dialogue. Despite the noises and cosmetic changes, the regime seems unable to grasp this reality. The regime still seems to believe that, through a mixture of coercion and co-option of individuals, it can thwart this movement for freedom. It cannot. As awareness continues to increase in the Maldives, the movement will only grow stronger.

13) So, what are you looking for from the government?

It can start by acknowledging and accepting the fact that our society does face problems. Deep-rooted socio-political and economic problems. Problems related to issues of governance. Problems that cannot be swept under the carpet anymore. Greater courage and political will, as opposed to coercion and intimidation, is now needed. The government, especially Gayoom, needs to be more imaginative, more accommodating.

14) The government would point to the separation of the police and NSS as examples of reform. Police brutality has abated has it not?

Has it really? I believe not.

The brutal crackdown and the subsequent systematic torture, sexual abuse and cruel and degrading treatment meted out to detainees subsequent to last August’s peaceful gathering is the worst show of police excess we have had in recent years. As the overwhelmingly excessive force used on one unarmed person on Election Day clearly demonstrates, a policy of using violence to maintain the regime in power is still very much in force.

The fact that the Maldives, in terms of percentage of GDP, is one of the top-ten spenders in the world on the military is no accident. It is a state policy – a policy of repressing a homogenous nation of less than 300,000 people to maintain the political status quo.

I have credible information that more tools of violence and more sophisticated riot gear is being purchased. Let not sweet sounds about “substantial reforms” lull us into complacency: the Maldives is still a police state. Full stop.

The fact that Police Commissioner Adam Zahir, who is widely regarded as a symbol of police brutality and human rights abuses, is deeply entrenched in power and is still in charge of maintaining the regime in power is a glaring symbol of the oppressive nature of our system of governance.

The new blue police uniforms may well be quite pretty. But, for most people I know that hardly constitutes the “substantial reforms” that Gayoom likes to flaunt. Gayoom needs to move beyond tokenism.

15) So what advice do you have for President Gayoom?

Would he listen to my advice?

Could I submit a wish-list instead?

I wish that Gayoom would, at long last, truly understand that the people of Maldives yearn to get out of the oppressive, archaic, medieval and feudalistic political system we are bogged down in.

I wish Gayoom would understand that fancy rhetoric about change, even if accompanied by an expert PR exercise, does not, per se, result in meaningful change.

I wish Gayoom would appreciate that, to be believable, he needs to back his words with deeds.

He needs to ease off the hardliners and those who continue to violate the people’s fundamental rights under the guise of maintaining law and order.

While on the subject of the law, we look forward to being ruled under the rule of law whereby we could enjoy at least the fundamental civil and political rights guaranteed by the constitution.

I also wish that 42% of my fellow countrymen need not live in poverty amongst plenty. A fairer and more equitable system of distribution of the Nation’s wealth, a more rational, accountable and transparent system of governance that would guarantee such equality needs to be established.

The list goes on…

16) OK, I get the point. What if Gayoom agrees to all those wishes – will the MDP be prepared to work with Gayoom?

Absolutely. In a country this small and this homogenous, where everybody knows everybody else, antagonism need not be the order of things. Like I always say; with goodwill and strong commitment on the part of all stakeholders we can evolve, without recourse to violence, into a vibrant democratic, freedom-loving nation.

Yes, the MDP would back any sincere attempt by President Gayoom to initiate meaningful democratic reform.

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15 Minutes with resort director Ali Shiyam

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Ali Shiyam, a director of AAA Hotels & resorts and member of the Executive Board of Maldives Association of Tourism and Industry (MATI). He was also in the Executive Board of the Maldives National Chamber Commerce and Industry.
AAA Hotels & resorts have 4 resort islands in the Maldives with a bed capacity of over 900, making it one of the top 5 resort companies in terms of bed capacity.
Q1: Politics in the Maldives seems to be moving quickly now, certainly the recent elections are being read as a big change in the political balance of the country. As a leading member of the business community, does this make you feel uncomfortable?
I’m not sure if politics is moving rapidly. It certainly isn’t moving fast enough given the competitive business environment globally. We may think that in our own little world this is good but we are part of a global economic system and that’s where we’re competing. There are so many reforms that are needed now. Many of us don’t see politics shifting nearly fast enough in the direction of business needs.
Q2: In what direction would you like to see political reform move. I mean, what are your key problems?
It’s the uncertainty we sometimes operate in. Business needs to minimize uncertainty. For a business to plan, to grow and mature you need predictable, stable conditions in which to operate. There is room for improvement in Maldives.
The legal environment in the country is more uncertain than one may hope for. The courts are, one might say, dysfunctional, and judges are not competent enough. The lack of judicial independence is also a hindrance. Under such circumstances political interference in the proceedings of the courts is a cause for concern. I feel that the people in the courts are not competent. There is a lack of professional skills, experience and exposure. This also gives room for executive interference.
Q3: What are the reforms the business community is looking for?
There must be checks and balances on the power of the executive. We need a strong separation of powers between the President, the Parliament and the courts. The Parliament has to start making proper laws, practical laws. These laws must be interpreted rationally and objectively.
The Parliament too has to become a meaningful institution where one gets proper debate and scrutiny. The laws that are passed must be relevant to the needs of the business community. That’s where the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) for instance could play a meaningful role.
However, even the laws we do have at the moment aren’t enforced effectively, partly because the court system is ineffective. I mean, what’s the point of having laws if they’re not enforced impartially anyway?
Serious capacity-building of the judiciary is required. We need to for instance, select only the very brightest students, send them to top Western Universities (where they will learn commercial law, not just shari’ia), allow them to stay there and become properly trained in these countries and then come back to the Maldives and work in the profession.
The cost of doing business in the Maldives is made much higher because of this failure. The risks are also greater – we don’t have a system we can confidently rely on because the institutions are comparatively dysfunctional.
Q4: Do you think political reform could bring business and government closer together?
Well, we certainly need much greater co-operation. In the context of the budget, for instance, no one asks us for advice. The private sector has no meaningful involvement with the polices that affect us.
Look, we need much more meaningful engagements with the government. We want a partnership with the government. Business is in my opinion not effectively represented at the moment.
So, we need political will to push through a genuine, meaningful partnership with the government in a structured, predictable way. We need sincerity from both sides too.
The reform process itself also needs to engage with the business community more. We need a real say in how the country, especially the economy, is run and not just a superficial engagement.
Q5: Do you see the MDP as people you can work with? Do you view them as pro-business?
I think what the MDP is advocating is what the business community is looking for. Rather then swapping the people at the top, we need structural changes to the political system. It seems that the MDP is committed to this reform – reforms such as separation of powers and putting in place an effective independent judicial system.
For example, at the moment there is no minimum wage legislation but it is actually in our interest to have that in place, set at the right level. But employees aren’t meaningfully represented in the government either. So even legislation that could be good for both of us isn’t even adequately considered because there are no effective channels for the business community or labour groups to influence the decision-making process.
I feel that MDP is much more open to suggestions and input from various sectors in the Maldives and, quite frankly, they better understand business concerns. They also seem open to reform in general.
There is still no formal platform for the business community to engage with the MDP at the moment but the mood music is on track and the reforms they keep talking about do very much appeal to many of us. They also pick up the phone when you call them.
Q6: What type of reform do you hope for with regard to Maldives courts?
Progress in political reform is an imperative in the Maldives. Even to sustain that we have achieved so far we need them. We need more rational, rule-based system especially within the courts. We must create certainty, stability.
One thing we desperately need to help evolve this process is case law so we can develop principals in court rulings which can be applied to the next similar case. Even this fundamental thing isn’t here.
Paul Robinson’s report on the criminal code says that the Maldivian legal system “fails to do justice”. Ok, this is talking about a criminal code but the principal applies across the board.
The issues that are of core value to the MDP seem to be issues that are important to the business community, that’s imperative to us. If we don’t put these reforms in place soon, if we foot-drag on reform, the market will penalize us.
Q7: Given your background and profession, one would have assumed you would be a lot more conservative in your answers. Is this a fair observation?
It’s all for very selfish reasons, I so strongly advocate fundamental change because I want to protect what I have in the long-run. Without these types of reforms business will not progress as it should.
The big tour operators we work with are also very sympathetic to the need for reform. They understand the imperative for reform for the long-term stability of the tourism industry in the Maldives.
Q8: President Gayoom has made a public commitment to reform within one year…
That’s all well and good. Very encouraging. My honest thoughts? I’m not optimistic that meaningful changes would occur in this timeframe. What I would like to see is a detailed breakdown of how this is going to work out, with a detailed timeframe. Past performance is not particularly encouraging.
I believe a change in mindset is called for. Courage, political will and a strong sense of commitment is needed. My appeal to the Government, to MDP, to hardliners, in fact to our entire community is to put our differences behind us and to work together to ensure that a timeframe for reform is put forward by the President and strictly adhered to.
What we cannot afford, both the business community and the population at large, is to back slide on reform. I firmly believe timely, meaningful political reform is an imperative for a vibrant economy.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Ali Shiyam, a director of AAA Hotels & resorts and member of the Executive Board of Maldives Association of Tourism and Industry (MATI). He was also in the Executive Board of the Maldives National Chamber Commerce and Industry.

AAA Hotels & resorts have 4 resort islands in the Maldives with a bed capacity of over 900, making it one of the top 5 resort companies in terms of bed capacity.

Q1: Politics in the Maldives seems to be moving quickly now, certainly the recent elections are being read as a big change in the political balance of the country. As a leading member of the business community, does this make you feel uncomfortable?

I’m not sure if politics is moving rapidly. It certainly isn’t moving fast enough given the competitive business environment globally. We may think that in our own little world this is good but we are part of a global economic system and that’s where we’re competing. There are so many reforms that are needed now. Many of us don’t see politics shifting nearly fast enough in the direction of business needs.

Q2: In what direction would you like to see political reform move. I mean, what are your key problems?

It’s the uncertainty we sometimes operate in. Business needs to minimize uncertainty. For a business to plan, to grow and mature you need predictable, stable conditions in which to operate. There is room for improvement in Maldives.

The legal environment in the country is more uncertain than one may hope for. The courts are, one might say, dysfunctional, and judges are not competent enough. The lack of judicial independence is also a hindrance. Under such circumstances political interference in the proceedings of the courts is a cause for concern. I feel that the people in the courts are not competent. There is a lack of professional skills, experience and exposure. This also gives room for executive interference.

Q3: What are the reforms the business community is looking for?

There must be checks and balances on the power of the executive. We need a strong separation of powers between the President, the Parliament and the courts. The Parliament has to start making proper laws, practical laws. These laws must be interpreted rationally and objectively.

The Parliament too has to become a meaningful institution where one gets proper debate and scrutiny. The laws that are passed must be relevant to the needs of the business community. That’s where the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) for instance could play a meaningful role.

However, even the laws we do have at the moment aren’t enforced effectively, partly because the court system is ineffective. I mean, what’s the point of having laws if they’re not enforced impartially anyway?

Serious capacity-building of the judiciary is required. We need to for instance, select only the very brightest students, send them to top Western Universities (where they will learn commercial law, not just shari’ia), allow them to stay there and become properly trained in these countries and then come back to the Maldives and work in the profession.

The cost of doing business in the Maldives is made much higher because of this failure. The risks are also greater – we don’t have a system we can confidently rely on because the institutions are comparatively dysfunctional.

Q4: Do you think political reform could bring business and government closer together?

Well, we certainly need much greater co-operation. In the context of the budget, for instance, no one asks us for advice. The private sector has no meaningful involvement with the polices that affect us.

Look, we need much more meaningful engagements with the government. We want a partnership with the government. Business is in my opinion not effectively represented at the moment.

So, we need political will to push through a genuine, meaningful partnership with the government in a structured, predictable way. We need sincerity from both sides too.

The reform process itself also needs to engage with the business community more. We need a real say in how the country, especially the economy, is run and not just a superficial engagement.

Q5: Do you see the MDP as people you can work with? Do you view them as pro-business?

I think what the MDP is advocating is what the business community is looking for. Rather then swapping the people at the top, we need structural changes to the political system. It seems that the MDP is committed to this reform – reforms such as separation of powers and putting in place an effective independent judicial system.

For example, at the moment there is no minimum wage legislation but it is actually in our interest to have that in place, set at the right level. But employees aren’t meaningfully represented in the government either. So even legislation that could be good for both of us isn’t even adequately considered because there are no effective channels for the business community or labour groups to influence the decision-making process.

I feel that MDP is much more open to suggestions and input from various sectors in the Maldives and, quite frankly, they better understand business concerns. They also seem open to reform in general.

There is still no formal platform for the business community to engage with the MDP at the moment but the mood music is on track and the reforms they keep talking about do very much appeal to many of us. They also pick up the phone when you call them.

Q6: What type of reform do you hope for with regard to Maldives courts?

Progress in political reform is an imperative in the Maldives. Even to sustain that we have achieved so far we need them. We need more rational, rule-based system especially within the courts. We must create certainty, stability.

One thing we desperately need to help evolve this process is case law so we can develop principals in court rulings which can be applied to the next similar case. Even this fundamental thing isn’t here.

Paul Robinson’s report on the criminal code says that the Maldivian legal system “fails to do justice”. Ok, this is talking about a criminal code but the principal applies across the board.

The issues that are of core value to the MDP seem to be issues that are important to the business community, that’s imperative to us. If we don’t put these reforms in place soon, if we foot-drag on reform, the market will penalize us.

Q7: Given your background and profession, one would have assumed you would be a lot more conservative in your answers. Is this a fair observation?

It’s all for very selfish reasons, I so strongly advocate fundamental change because I want to protect what I have in the long-run. Without these types of reforms business will not progress as it should.

The big tour operators we work with are also very sympathetic to the need for reform. They understand the imperative for reform for the long-term stability of the tourism industry in the Maldives.

Q8: President Gayoom has made a public commitment to reform within one year…

That’s all well and good. Very encouraging. My honest thoughts? I’m not optimistic that meaningful changes would occur in this timeframe. What I would like to see is a detailed breakdown of how this is going to work out, with a detailed timeframe. Past performance is not particularly encouraging.

I believe a change in mindset is called for. Courage, political will and a strong sense of commitment is needed. My appeal to the Government, to MDP, to hardliners, in fact to our entire community is to put our differences behind us and to work together to ensure that a timeframe for reform is put forward by the President and strictly adhered to.

What we cannot afford, both the business community and the population at large, is to back slide on reform. I firmly believe timely, meaningful political reform is an imperative for a vibrant economy.

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15 Minutes with AK – Minister for Agriculture & Fisheries

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Abdulla Kamaaluddheen (AK), Maldivian Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries.
Q1) You came 4th in the election for Male’, which returns just two seats in the Majlis. Are you still a Minister after the election defeat?
Yes I am. I am the Minister for Agriculture & Fisheries and acting environment minister.
Q2) The incident in Male’ on the 12-13th August was described as an attempted coup by Dr Shaheed but the Maldivian Democratic Party says it was a pro-democracy rally. Do you think the August events impacted on your campaign?
I was unable to get enough concentration of my support. I was involved heavily in the relief effort and I could not get enough concentration to the campaign. That was a failure on my part. The other candidates were able to campaign when I was focused on the Tsunami.
Q3) But I spoke to Ibrahim Ismail earlier and he said he was under house arrest until the last week of December, which he said impacted on his campaign. Yet, he won over 6,500 votes.
President Gayoom decided to not to sue people who were arrested [after the 12-13th August] and that gave a boost to Ibra’s campaign.
Q4) Are you suggesting that President Gayoom should not have dropped the charges against Ibra?
No, not at all. I mean, until the 26th December Ibra was put at a disadvantage but after that I was put at a disadvantage. So, that put us on an equal footing. My election result was a failure on my part not to give enough concentration to my campaign.
Q5) Do you feel you got adequate backing from President Gayoom for your campaign?
I did not seek support from the government. I have been a Member of Parliament since 1992. Out of five elections I’ve stood in so far I’ve lost two and won one and further won two by-elections. So, I’ve been a Member of Parliament for many years.
Q6) President Gayoom was quoted in an AFP interview the other day saying he wanted to introduce a multi-party system into the Maldives. Are you for a multi-party system?
I have always supported a multi-party system for the Maldives. Definitely, now the time is right for a multi-party democracy. A party system would be better for the Maldives and would allow for good people to come into public life.
Q7) So, will you join the Maldivian Democratic Party?
No, I will not and no further comment. This is still a closed society and I don’t want to elaborate on my decision.
I have no personal business interests, I am only interested in serving the people. I will continue my sincere service for the people of the Maldives and I intend to continue that service in whatever capacity I can.

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Abdulla Kamaaluddheen (AK), Maldivian Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries.

Q1) You came 4th in the election for Male’, which returns just two seats in the Majlis. Are you still a Minister after the election defeat?

Yes I am. I am the Minister for Agriculture & Fisheries and acting environment minister.

Q2) The incident in Male’ on the 12-13th August was described as an attempted coup by Dr Shaheed but the Maldivian Democratic Party says it was a pro-democracy rally. Do you think the August events impacted on your campaign?

I was unable to get enough concentration of my support. I was involved heavily in the relief effort and I could not get enough concentration to the campaign. That was a failure on my part. The other candidates were able to campaign when I was focused on the Tsunami.

Q3) But I spoke to Ibrahim Ismail earlier and he said he was under house arrest until the last week of December, which he said impacted on his campaign. Yet, he won over 6,500 votes.

President Gayoom decided to not to sue people who were arrested [after the 12-13th August] and that gave a boost to Ibra’s campaign.

Q4) Are you suggesting that President Gayoom should not have dropped the charges against Ibra?

No, not at all. I mean, until the 26th December Ibra was put at a disadvantage but after that I was put at a disadvantage. So, that put us on an equal footing. My election result was a failure on my part not to give enough concentration to my campaign.

Q5) Do you feel you got adequate backing from President Gayoom for your campaign?

I did not seek support from the government. I have been a Member of Parliament since 1992. Out of five elections I’ve stood in so far I’ve lost two and won one and further won two by-elections. So, I’ve been a Member of Parliament for many years.

Q6) President Gayoom was quoted in an AFP interview the other day saying he wanted to introduce a multi-party system into the Maldives. Are you for a multi-party system?

I have always supported a multi-party system for the Maldives. Definitely, now the time is right for a multi-party democracy. A party system would be better for the Maldives and would allow for good people to come into public life.

Q7) So, will you join the Maldivian Democratic Party?

No, I will not and no further comment. This is still a closed society and I don’t want to elaborate on my decision.

I have no personal business interests, I am only interested in serving the people. I will continue my sincere service for the people of the Maldives and I intend to continue that service in whatever capacity I can.

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15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, Spokesperson for the MDP

Minivan News spends 15 Minutes with Mohamed Latheef, spokesperson for the Maldivian Democratic Party.

Q1: There is confusion over the number of seats won by the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), the government and those who are independent in this election. Can you clarify what the MDP’s position is on this?

Eighteen of the 36 candidates we backed some three weeks before the election won their seats. Some of them are government servants. We backed them because we believe that when the political climate changes, as we believe it will, their candidacy will openly espouse the liberal democratic reformist ideology that the MDP propagates.

Q2: So are they all signed-up, card-carrying members of the party?

Please bear in mind that the MDP is not registered in the Maldives, in violation of the constitution, and is in fact persecuted by the government. So, many who are vehemently for reform still do not openly claim their support for MDP as a party. We can appreciate this reluctance given our oppressive political climate in the Maldives.

Q3: The government is claiming that they have 30 seats – 30 MPs who will back them on any issue in the Majlis.

That is interesting. The government spokesman claims that they won 30 seats. This of course, proves our claim that the government has been working as a party whilst depriving us of the same. You can now imagine the level of fraud, intimidation and corruption which went with this election.

The island chiefs and government officials in the islands who actually ran the campaign on the behalf of the government were the very same ones who were in charge of the polling booths and the ballot boxes.

One reason why we swept the urban areas so convincingly was because intimidation and fraud was less pronounced in the urban areas where the voters were more aware of their political rights.

Let us wait and see how many MPs actually do back the government on the key issues. I believe to get 30 votes on every issue the government will have to have a standing threat of imprisonment hanging over the MPs. This of course, may well happen.

Q4: President Gayoom, in a recent interview with AFP, said that he “envisages a multi-party political system, as well as the office of the prime minister, a supreme court… within a year”. I know the MDP has been pushing for a timeframe for the reform process for a long time. So, you must be really happy with the President’s commitment?

Commitment is a word I would be very wary of when describing Gayoom’s sweeping declarations. Promises of reform are throw-away pronouncements he uses whenever he is under political pressure.

His grand declaration last June about constitutional reform is one such deception. Nine months later not one productive meeting of the constituent assembly has taken place.

Bear in mind that this is the man who took seventeen years to come up with the present constitution wherein he concentrates all the powers in himself reneging on his declared intention of changing the Maldives from an autocracy to a democracy.

Having said all this, I am still excited that he has at last placed a timeframe on his proposed agenda. At least now the international community and the people of Maldives can hold him to a definitive timeframe.

Q5: I understand that the MDP has been very busy meeting the international community over the election period. Is the President’s timeframe for reform part of your discussions?

Very much so. The international community is very excited. They feel that at least Gayoom, if not the hardliners, understand the imperative for change. Whilst we do express our fears, we also give the international community a full guarantee that we will back any of the President’s positive moves without reservation.

The international community is excited that the parties will be registered and competitive politics would be a reality in months. Like the President has stated on many occasions, and I quote: “the laws of the country do not bar anybody from forming a political party if they want to” [Gayoom’s biography: A Man for all Islands, 1998, Times Editions] Also, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) for example, has indicated that registration of political parties is not so much a legal issue as a political one. We take this as true.

Yes, we give our assurances to the international community that we will put past acrimony behind us and work in good faith with the President towards the goal of greater freedom and democracy. However, the President and his regime must display an equal level of commitment and good faith towards achieving this noble goal.atheef, Spokesperson for the MDP

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15 Minutes with Sappe’

Minivan News spends Fifteen Minutes with Ahmed Moosa (Sappe’), editor-in-chief of the Dhivehi Observer newspaper and one of 15 people elected to the Council of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP).
This interview was conducted on 23rd December.
Q1) You first spoke out, publicly, against the regime on the BBC’s Adam Mynott report in late 2003. You then had to leave the Maldives and you went to the UK and set-up the Dhivehi Observer. Has it been difficult to leave your homeland?
I had been away from home for many years before, 7 years in Kuwait and more than 8 years in UK, for my studies. And, also I was almost ready to leave to take up a job in London, working for Qasim Ibrahim’s Villa Company the very month of October 2003. So, I can’t say it was hard, it was certainly different because I was running for my life basically. It is harder for my family really especially my wife and kids. This does not mean that I do not miss Maldives and my friends, just that I am very used to staying away from home.
Q2) DO is just over a year old now. I believe the website receives 15,000 hits per day and is read by more than any other media channel. Are you surprised by its rapid success?
I am pleased. DO is not just my work, the interaction and support that I receive is immense. I am however surprised to find out that people access the site in different ways. I am told that it is the first thing and the last thing all internet users read in Maldives now. It’s tiring work. On average I have to spend 18 hours a day near the computer. Gathering news, writing and editing as well as publishing. Just as well, I know a bit more than just Arabic language.
Q3) Some people criticise the highly personalised attacks that feature in DO, for instance the way the newspaper has treated Abdulla Hameed. What is your response to this criticism?
It is also very personal when you arrest, torture and kill people unjustly and without any regard for the rule of law. Also, it is very personal when one restricts ones freedom. I believe that the misdemeanours of Gayyoom and his family must be exposed. To empower people to make a stand we must tell them the truth. This notion of ‘personal stuff’ is not important when these people are criminals.
Gayyoom and Hameed are not above the law. Homosexuality, paedophilia and rape are crimes in Maldives and we must expose those who commit these crimes. These people are evil and we do not have to respect them. I certainly don’t. They should be behind bars.
Q4) As well as being DO editor-in-chief, you were also one of 15 people elected to the MDP Council. The Maldivian Government often claims that DO is therefore a mouthpiece of the MDP. Is DO part of the MDP, or is it an independent newspaper?
It is indeed an independent news service. I have the final say in what is in DO and I work full time on Dhivehi Observer. Being a member of MDP’s general council does not restrict me from expressing my views. If need be I will criticise MDP as well and I have done so in many occasions. Constructive criticism is not a bad thing and I believe that MDP has the maturity to take it on board. Dhivehi Observer is the peoples’ press and I believe Maldivians believe that now.
Q5) How do you see the future of the Maldives developing over the next few years?
I believe that people are fed up of Gayyoom’s dictatorship and that change of regime is inevitable. No one believes that Gayyoom will reform our country. He will not dig his own grave. Democracy will bring an end to his rule. With international pressure and the public support that we now have, I believe he has less than a year to go. If our people weren’t so afraid of him, we could do it even quicker.
Q6) If there is a significant change in the Maldives, would you consider returning and in what capacity?
It is a question of when really, not if. I will go back to Maldives as soon as my supporters believe it is safe for me to go. It may be to initiate a public rally to oust Gayyoom or perhaps after he is ousted. In either case, I will not give Gayyoom the pleasure of torturing me in any of his cells, so even if I return beforehand, I will go with enough strength and security.
In what capacity, I don’t know but I believe I have a role to play in the future of Maldives. It may be in government or even in media. I might even go back to my profession, which is Engineering and Science. My promise to Maldivian people is that I will always put them first, so depending on the situation, I will always try to work toward the interest of the country. I will try my best that to ensure that Gayyoom is the last dictator our country will see.

Minivan News spends Fifteen Minutes with Ahmed Moosa (Sappe’), editor-in-chief of the Dhivehi Observer newspaper and one of 15 people elected to the Council of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP).

This interview was conducted on 23rd December.

Q1) You first spoke out, publicly, against the regime on the BBC’s Adam Mynott report in late 2003. You then had to leave the Maldives and you went to the UK and set-up the Dhivehi Observer. Has it been difficult to leave your homeland?

I had been away from home for many years before, 7 years in Kuwait and more than 8 years in UK, for my studies. And, also I was almost ready to leave to take up a job in London, working for Qasim Ibrahim’s Villa Company the very month of October 2003. So, I can’t say it was hard, it was certainly different because I was running for my life basically. It is harder for my family really especially my wife and kids. This does not mean that I do not miss Maldives and my friends, just that I am very used to staying away from home.

Q2) DO is just over a year old now. I believe the website receives 15,000 hits per day and is read by more than any other media channel. Are you surprised by its rapid success?

I am pleased. DO is not just my work, the interaction and support that I receive is immense. I am however surprised to find out that people access the site in different ways. I am told that it is the first thing and the last thing all internet users read in Maldives now. It’s tiring work. On average I have to spend 18 hours a day near the computer. Gathering news, writing and editing as well as publishing. Just as well, I know a bit more than just Arabic language.

Q3) Some people criticise the highly personalised attacks that feature in DO, for instance the way the newspaper has treated Abdulla Hameed. What is your response to this criticism?

It is also very personal when you arrest, torture and kill people unjustly and without any regard for the rule of law. Also, it is very personal when one restricts ones freedom. I believe that the misdemeanours of Gayyoom and his family must be exposed. To empower people to make a stand we must tell them the truth. This notion of ‘personal stuff’ is not important when these people are criminals.

Gayyoom and Hameed are not above the law. Homosexuality, paedophilia and rape are crimes in Maldives and we must expose those who commit these crimes. These people are evil and we do not have to respect them. I certainly don’t. They should be behind bars.

Q4) As well as being DO editor-in-chief, you were also one of 15 people elected to the MDP Council. The Maldivian Government often claims that DO is therefore a mouthpiece of the MDP. Is DO part of the MDP, or is it an independent newspaper?

It is indeed an independent news service. I have the final say in what is in DO and I work full time on Dhivehi Observer. Being a member of MDP’s general council does not restrict me from expressing my views. If need be I will criticise MDP as well and I have done so in many occasions. Constructive criticism is not a bad thing and I believe that MDP has the maturity to take it on board. Dhivehi Observer is the peoples’ press and I believe Maldivians believe that now.

Q5) How do you see the future of the Maldives developing over the next few years?

I believe that people are fed up of Gayyoom’s dictatorship and that change of regime is inevitable. No one believes that Gayyoom will reform our country. He will not dig his own grave. Democracy will bring an end to his rule. With international pressure and the public support that we now have, I believe he has less than a year to go. If our people weren’t so afraid of him, we could do it even quicker.

Q6) If there is a significant change in the Maldives, would you consider returning and in what capacity?

It is a question of when really, not if. I will go back to Maldives as soon as my supporters believe it is safe for me to go. It may be to initiate a public rally to oust Gayyoom or perhaps after he is ousted. In either case, I will not give Gayyoom the pleasure of torturing me in any of his cells, so even if I return beforehand, I will go with enough strength and security.

In what capacity, I don’t know but I believe I have a role to play in the future of Maldives. It may be in government or even in media. I might even go back to my profession, which is Engineering and Science. My promise to Maldivian people is that I will always put them first, so depending on the situation, I will always try to work toward the interest of the country. I will try my best that to ensure that Gayyoom is the last dictator our country will see.

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NDI Report: The Desire for Change in the Maldives

As part of Minivan News’ commitment to analyse the report on the Maldives by the National Democratic Institute (NDI) we take a closer look into one of the report’s main findings – the overwhelming support for democratic reform in the country and the deep-seated skepticism as to whether Gayoom will ever deliver change.

The NDI is a highly respected political NGO, headed by former US Secretary of State Madeline Albright. The NDI’s mandate is to promote democracy throughout the world. The NDI was invited by the Maldivian government and UNDP to do its assessment into the possibility of establishing political parties in the Maldives in August 2004. The NDI sent a four-person team, headed by the former Prime Minister of Bosnia, to the Maldives in October 2004. The team met with hundreds of people in the Maldives and outside the country. These included representatives of the Government, including President Gayoom, members of civil society groups, the UN and members of the opposition, including democracy detainees and the leadership of the MDP.

The Political Environment for Reform

The NDI noted that “the desire for reform is nearly universal among the public; in fact, the delegation did not meet with a single individual who felt that reform was not needed”. The perceived need for reform was conclusively proven by the NDI’s findings, and there seemed to be a very positive response to the types of reforms laid down by the President in his 9th June 2004 speech. However, the NDI found that there was strong skepticism as to whether the President would ever carry out his reforms in a timely and meaningful way.

The NDI found: “a high degree of cynicism regarding the government’s seriousness regarding reform…most interviewees felt that reform would go ahead…[but] reforms would move forward at an extremely slow pace and would be largely cosmetic.”

“Many interviewees cited the long tenure of the current government as incriminating, noting that the government has had plenty of time to reform already, but has chosen not to do so. Many interviewees, including opposition, pointed to the treatment of opposition voices by the government as evidence of a lack of willingness to engage in genuine reform. A few individuals indicated their belief… that the President lied to the people – encouraging the public to go out and discuss constitutional reform in public forums – and then detaining many of the people who criticized the government in these forums.”

The NDI states that “bold actions will be required by the government to build confidence in any reform process.”

Minivan News spoke to Mohamed Latheef of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP). We started by asking him what are the root causes of this skepticism.

Latheef:

The universal skepticism about Gayoom’s commitment to reform is not without cause. Firstly Maldivians are all too familiar with Gayoom’s oft-broken promises of wide-ranging structural reforms every few years – especially when he is under duress.

He made similar promises when he first came to power and later after the attempted coup in 1988. The present constitution, which was supposed to transform the Maldives from an autocracy to a democracy, was one of his earliest promises of reforms. After foot dragging for 17 years he came up with a document of enslavement that confers more power to the Chief Executive than does any other constitution anywhere else in the world. That is just in theory. In practice he exercises greater power than perhaps any past sultan ever did.

Following the attempted coup of 1988, Gayoom made sweeping declarations about the need for not just change, but sweeping structural change that would substantially alter the socio-political dynamics of Maldivian society. Those of us who got caught in his web of lies and took his offer of reform seriously – either as reformists, members of parliament or as journalists – soon found ourselves in solitary confinement in Gayoom’s not too pleasant detention centers. Gayoom’s offers of reform were invariably followed by the violent reprisal of those who took him seriously.

Due to unprecedented international pressure, Gayoom is back to his old business of duplicity. Within days after his 9th June media circus where he, once again, presented his “substantial reform agenda”, Gayoom clamped down on the people’s constitutional rights to freedom of assembly, movement and expression. Within weeks he started intimidating, and finally arresting reformists. Almost the entire reform movement is still in detention after weeks of torture and cruel and degrading treatment by Gayoom’s uniformed thugs.

In the meantime Gayoom and his spin-doctors have the gall to talk about free and fair elections. Any objective observer would come to the conclusion that the brutal crackdown of reformists does not inspire confidence either in Gayoom’s intentions, capacity or commitment to serious, time-bound, verifiable reform.

Gayoom needs to understand that the skepticism about his commitment is no more limited to his subjects. The many declarations and statements made by the international community should make him realize that no one believes his lies, deceit and broken promises anymore. He needs to wake up from, or be jolted out of, his state of deep self-delusion.

Minivan News: The international community has issued strongly worded statements deploring Gayoom’s poor performance following his 9th June offer of substantial reforms. Are you confident that such statements would be effective enough to persuade Gayoom to usher in his planned reform?

Latheef:

The outrage expressed by the international community has, in the past few weeks, helped mitigate the level of brutality traditionally meted out to political prisoners and prisoners of conscience. However, the international community’s impact on political reform has been negligible. Gayoom and his minders seem to take comfort in the belief that the international community will not go beyond strongly worded statements. That the country’s lack of geopolitical importance would mean the international community will not bother to sustain its interests in the Maldives.

Gayoom is a strong believer that time will heal his problems. Giving more time to Gayoom will only make the situation worse for his subjects. If the international community wishes to effect change in the country, than it has to go beyond words of censure. Gayoom is not impressed by mere words. Words are fine but hide-bound despots like Gayoom need to know that they will be matched by deeds. He has reneged on every promise of reform he has made and as the 31st December election and the impeding trials of reformists clearly proves, he is getting away with it. The international community needs to take more robust, tangible steps to stop Gayoom’s abuse.

Minivan News invites the Maldivian government to respond to Mr Latheef’s comments.

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Our Children will Suffer from the Mismanagement of this Regime

While the Maldives rolls on to the first decade of the 21st century, the people of this island nation are left to wonder about their future. They are left in the dark of their rights and the obligations of the government to the people. The poor and lame excuses that we have heard is the perpetual rhetoric ” what to do , we are a small nation and not enough money and resources” and islanders and the less educated or less exposed people are made to believe that the government is doing more than it should and that they should be grateful for what they have.

After 27 years of rule, and 18 years to amend the constitution, we are left without a set of laws to protect the people. We are left without a constitutional guideline for any major public service. The state police operate in the absence of law, every minister’s whim is law. By God we have to be grateful for this? It was not long ago that we encountered some of the most trying times of this era. A break out in jail following the murder of an inmate by prison guards and police brought about the dawn of the new age, the age of the people.

The people have been suppressed and intimidated for too long. With little reason to be reasonable and rational the nation’s youth and the educated took to the streets. This was played sold to the international and local audience as a coup attempt, an armed aggression to over throw a legally elected government it said. However, a government that does not facilitate the voice of the people that elected it and fails to achieve the basic demands of the people is no longer legally in power. They are in power by use of force, and as such they can only be removed by use of force,” but not violence”

The force that shall remove them is the power of the people. We have suffered and our children’s children will suffer too for the state of poverty and mismanagement of this regime. We have let them rape this nation time and time again. Our children shall hold us responsible for the slum and anarchy that we shall leave behind for them.

I beg of you the people of this nation to stand together and fight. Do not fight for just your rights but fight because you care about your children, today we have at least over 25 thousand heroin users in this country mostly in the age group of 16 to 32 and this is a clear 25% of the country’s youth population. Think my fellow countrymen, is this the country that we would like to pass onto our children. I ask you, are you proud of what you have left behind for them. I do not ask the government to amend any of this but I ask of the people to unite and stand together to bring a stop to this madness. Let us take this nation from the grasp of this regime and allow ourselves to reconstruct a better Maldives. A nation rich of justice, public welfare and social security. A nation of peace and prosperity. These shall be the cornerstones of our new nation.

Be not afraid my brothers and sisters our time has come and we must stand together we must not fear the demons of intimidation but embrace the fruits of righteousness. And be brave in the path of the good. Our children demand us to be brave.

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International Pressure on Gayoom: Is it working?

With two weeks to go, the international community seems to be waking up to a fact that Maldivians have known right along – under Gayoom there can never be a free and fair election in the Maldives. Under pressure from the international community, Gayoom crooned sweetly about “substantial reform’ and about free and fair elections. The international community pounced on Gayoom’s sweet inanities and encouraged him and subtly (and often not so subtlety) pressurized him into keeping his promises and commitments.

The pressure did work to some extent. The best proof of this perhaps lies in the fact that no pro-democracy reformists – including even those who called for Gayoom’s and brother Hameed’s resignation – have as yet been tortured to death or permanently physically incapacitated. When one considers how cruelly past political prisoners and detainees have been brutalized for far lesser “offences” this is immense progress. Challenging Gayoom’s authority has always been the biggest political offence.

After the initial orgy of torture, beating and sexual abuse, following the August 12 – 13 demonstration, the security personnel (who according to Colonel Moosa Jaleel cracked down on the crowd on Commander-in-Chief Gayoom’s direct order) are now less violent. Agreements with the ICRC, visits by diplomats and the courageous stand taken by the Human Rights Commission of Maldives have meant that – at least for the time being – prisoners and detainees need not live in constant fear of torture, sexual abuse and cruel and inhuman punishment. Strongly articulated concerns of the international community alone with the belief that Gayoom is under scrutiny (and hence cannot operate with total impunity) have given hope and courage to pro-democracy activists – even while they know they face harassment and possible imprisonment. There is new hope that the human rights situation would inevitably change for the better and that the rest of the world would not simply wait and watch while Gayoom bludgeons the people of Maldives into submission.

The international community’s impact on the 31st December parliamentary election is, however, minimal. To start with Gayoom has simply ignored the call to grant the people the right to freedom of association despite his clear, unequivocal assertion “our laws do not bar anybody from forming a political party if they want to”. More ominously Gayoom has intimidated and pressurized at least ten people (who would otherwise have won) from seeking nomination. Most of the reformist leaders who would have spearheaded the reformist election campaign are being systematically intimidated and continue to remain in detention. In the meantime pro-government candidates continue to openly enjoy state patronage and public resources for their election campaign. Minister of Atolls Administration, Hameed has given specific instructions to atoll chiefs that they must ensure victory for pro-government candidates.

Given this reality, it is naïve for the international community to expect Gayoom to relent merely because of declarations or statements – even if they are strongly worded.

Gayoom is now immune to declarations and statements. In fact he uses such statements as “proof” that the international community endorses his despotic rules. To get Gayroom’s attention, words need to be replaced by firm action.

As far as the elections are concerned, the international community needs to come to terms with the reality that, as stated above, most of the rigging has already taken place. Even in the unlikely event that the rest of the election process would be “free and fair” the damage already done would mean that the election would be both unfair and unrepresentative of the wishes of the people. Under the circumstances sending observers just for the Election Day would be not only meaningless, but would give Gayoom the opportunity to legitimize a grossly unfair electoral process.

To ensure a free and fair election the entire process needs to be restructured. According to MDP the minimum requirements for a free and fair election are:

(a) The immediate registration of political parties.
(b) Release of all pro-democracy detainees.
(c) A level playing field free from fear and intimidation whereby reformists and pro-government candidates can compete on an equal footing.
(d) An opportunity for detainees and others, who earlier did not seek nomination out of fear and intimidation, to seek nomination afresh.
(e) About thirty days of campaigning and
(f) A transparent system for monitoring and counting of votes.

Most people would find the above requests reasonable. Gayoom would not. Gayoom fully understands that, without rigging, he would lose his traditional control over the parliament which in turn would lead to loosening of his stranglehold on power. More ominously, (from Gayoom’s point of view) the coming parliament would decide if he would be re-elected as President for the 2008 – 2013 presidential term. By asking Gayoom to hold free and fair elections, the international community, in effect, is asking Gayoom to commit political suicide. Gayoom has yet to prove any suicidal tendencies.

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Anti-Gayyoom candidates are stretched financially, who will help them?

Despite calls for free and fair elections without any influence by the government, the Maldives Parliamentary Election 2004 campaign is marred in corruption and irregularities.

Those candidates with Gayyoom’s blessings, have endless resources beginning with access to state owned media, TV, radio and newspapers, and open coffers of treasury funds. Sadly, it does not stop there. These candidates, including ministers and deputy ministers as well as other officials and close associates of Gayyoom, are getting enormous help from private businesses as well. This will obviously play a role in swinging votes their way in the atolls.

DO has information that anti-Gayyoom candidates are unable to get any funding for their campaigns, and some members can’t pay for travelling costs to visit their constituents, let alone meet the production cost of campaign material. There are many private businesses and wealthy Maldivian who want to help these candidates, but their movements and activities are closely monitored by Gayyoom’s cronies and hence these people are scared to help any anti-Gayyoom candidates.

Many able candidates are being hampered by financial difficulties, while ignorant thieves and corrupt people are visiting each island in chartered speedboats and flights. Being corrupt and rich appears to be the way to secure a majlis seat in the Maldives, regardless of the fact that some of these government candidates can barely read and write in Dhivehi or English. How on earth can we entrust people like them to be the law makers of our country?

The dirtiest games in this campaign are played by Gayyoom’s brothers, Abdullah Hameed and Abdullah Yameen. They have openly bribed people to support government candidates, and are authorising the use of public funds as if it is their own money.

In order to counterbalance this, Maldivian businessmen must make a stand and help the reformist candidates who can bring about necessary reforms. Entrepreneurs must realise that long-term business will flourish with an open, transparent and democratic government. All businessmen know they have to conduct their present operations through bribery, deception and other illegal practices.

We call on Maldivians to act responsibly and help reformist candidates in any way they can. It is not against the law to support and help a candidate for the majlis, and if we submit to the illegal demands of this outdated regime, Maldives is destined to remain corrupt and our people oppressed, for years to come.

www.dhivehiobserver.com

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