Comment: Stop the charade, this is no longer a democracy

Stop this nonsense, you can only push propaganda so far.

The people confronting the police on the streets of Male’ everyday are not ‘thugs’. They are people from all over Maldives, they are young they are old. They are rich, they are poor. They are pious, they are indifferent. They are liberal, they are conservative. They are educated, they are fishermen. They are students, they are teachers, husbands, wives. They all believe in one thing: their right to elect their leader as citizens of a democracy.

These are the people who are out on the streets, fighting with the police and kicking up a riot. Because their right to be governed democratically has been taken away from them.

Stop this nonsense about ‘what of the poor police’? There is a fundamental flaw in the argument that ‘they [police] are just ordinary people, too.’ Vast differences exist between a civilian and a policeman on duty. Police are trained to control their impulses, to withstand anger, to repel provocation, to use weapons. Ordinary people are not. The public pays the police not to hurt them but to protect them.

Within twenty four hours of the new regime’s assumption of power, people were being brutally beaten by the police. The force of their violence has been a constant presence since 8 February. It is a threat that hovers in the air, unspoken. Always present.

With every mass protest on the streets of Male’, the police have come down harder, their violence more ruthless. Using pepper-spray and tear-gas has become the norm. The police charge at people with all their might, and without warning shoot tear-gas canisters into the people. They have put one woman’s burugaa on fire, smashed the head open of another and choked plenty.

Stop this nonsense about using ‘minimum force’, there is nothing minimal about the force with which the police come at you. You only have to feel their batons pointed at you and hear the filth they shout at you to know the level of violent force aimed at you by these men in uniform. They come in hordes, they pepper-spray at random, often pausing to take people’s sun-glasses off before spraying them straight in the eye. They crack open skulls without hesitation.

There is wanton cruelty, gratuitous violence. And there is a feeling of ferocious rage emanating from them as they hunt people down. These are not police running after an out-of–control people, these are police charging into people with the intention of intimidating, hitting, hurting, violating. The police are seeking to break them in, make them docile and prime them to be subjects of a dictatorship.

Like in all situations of conflict, women have been heavily victimised and subjected to gender-based violence. Police have partially undressed women on the streets, revealing their flesh in ways that compromise their privacy and mock the Islamic modesty her buruga is meant to convey.

There have been reports of women’s breasts being violently molested, or specifically targeted for physical assault. Unarmed women have been handcuffed and dragged to the island of Dhoonidhoo and detained without charge. ‘Unity Government’ MPs, like Red Wave Saleem, pontificate on television equating the women protesting with ‘women working in brothels.’

Stop the nonsense about this being a democracy, it cannot be one with an authoritarian government in power.

There can be no democracy where senior officials are being purged from government because they belong to a particular political party. There cannot be a democracy where the president is publicly campaigning, using state funds, for a parliament contender that is not even a member of his own party. There is no democracy where the president uses military force to pave his path to the parliament; where the president can only travel within the country by clearing off all streets everyone except his supporters.

Most importantly, there cannot be a democracy where questions remain unanswered about how the first democratically elected government of the country came to an end.

Stop this nonsense about colour, about ‘MDP people’, about whether it is unladylike for women to shout on the streets. The choice Maldivians face today is much bigger, stark. Democracy or autocracy. If early elections are held, it may put the transition back on track back on track, but if we let this government continue in its campaign to legitimise itself until 2013, by hook or by crook, there would be no going back. It will be too late for democracy.

At the rate the new government is reversing all policies that released people from the system of patronage built over a thirty-year dictatorship, people will soon be caught yet again in the same shackles of abject dependency on the Dear Leader that kept us subservient for those three decades.

If people don’t want this to happen, we must join the struggle to ensure this robbery of our fundamental right to govern ourselves is not covered up through false legitimisation. We shouldn’t let political colour blind us to the truth: democracy is in danger in the Maldives. If we believe in it, we must fight for it.

If dictatorship is what you want, don’t do anything. If not, do something.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Police charge driver in 2011 Kuredu quad-bike crash that killed British newlyweds

Police have forwarded a case against the driver of a quad-bike that crashed and killed two passengers on Kuredu Island Resort to the Prosecutor General (PG)’s office.

The recently-married British couple from West Yorkshire, Emma and Jonathan Gray, were riding on the quad-bike as passengers when it collided with a tree around 4:00am on August 6, 2011. The pair had been married for just seven days and had a six-month old son, Jake.

Police subsequently identified the driver as 23 year-old Swedish national Filip Eugen Petre, the son of a shareholder of the company that operates the resort, who was employed by the company as a trainee guest relations officer.

Petre, who was injured in the crash, was charged under section 88 (d) of the penal code, Police Sub-Inspector Hassan Haneef told Minivan News today. He confirmed that Petre was in the Maldives and was free to move about, “although his passport has been retained.”

The section cited broadly refers to “Disobedience to order authorised by Sharia or law”. Article (d) reads that “Where such disobedience resulted in the death of a person the offender shall be subjected to punishment described by Islamic Law.”

UK media reporting the charges have noted that the maximum extent of these punishments include the death penalty, however while this sentence is still given by the courts it is usually commuted to up to 25 years imprisonment and was last implemented in 1953: Hakim Didi, by firing squad, on charges of practicing black magic.

Several MPs in parliament, including Jumhoree Party (JP) MP Ibrahim Muthalib and Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) MP Ahmed Rasheed have previously submitted amendments to the relevant Clemency Act demanding that such sentences be carried out if upheld at Supreme Court level, however they have not been passed.

The prospect of Petre facing such a penalty was “shocking. It’s absolutely horrendous,” Jonathan’s mother Cath Davies told the Halifax Courier.

“We never expected there to be an outcome like this. It’s good they have dealt with it. It’s great they have investigated it properly. But I wouldn’t want it to be carried out. It’s not going to bring Jay and Emma back. It’s not going to make us feel any better. It doesn’t seem right. I just find it quite abhorrent,” she told the paper.

“It’s not like he set out to maliciously hurt or kill them. He never intended it. What happened was a tragic accident and not the result of wilful or malicious intention.”

Hearing of the charges had “brought back all the events that happened and what we have gone through since,” she said.

“We don’t want to keep revisiting these things. We want to move on and we want to remember Jay and Emma for the lovely couple they were and not always being brought back to the tragic event that ended their lives,” she said.

Following the incident in 2011, Filip’s father Lars Petre provided a statement to Minivan News in which he described the accident as “by far the most tragic event in my life, and words cannot describe how saddened we are. I and my family are deeply concerned with errors on some of the media reports and we are also deeply saddened by some accusations made at my son.”

“My son Filip Petre (23 years) was taking the two guests home, to the other side of the island, when he experienced some difficulties with the bike, and crashed headlong into a tree on the road. The crash took two lives and badly injured my son.

“He fell unconscious with the crash and woke up some time later to find the two deceased also lying on the road. He immediately called for help and worked alongside with the doctor who arrived to try and save the victims of the crash, while he was bleeding himself.

“The quad bike which my son was driving was registered and my son Filip is licensed to drive such vehicles. My son Filip and his brother Tom (who was the first to arrive at the scene of the accident with the doctor), the management and staff of Kuredhu have been cooperating with the police investigation fully, and I give every assurance that they will continue to do so in the future.

“We understand the grief of the families who lost their loved ones in the accident, and we also respect the duty of the Maldives Police Service to investigate the matter. However the fact remains that what happened on August 6 is an accident, a very tragic fatal event, which my son no anyone else had the power to change.”

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Nasheed first president summoned before Maldives Human Rights Commission

Mohamed Nasheed has become the first Maldivian president to be summoned before the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM), in connection to his role in the controversial detention of Criminal Court Chief Judge Abdulla Mohamed earlier this year.

Nasheed had been requested to attend a HRCM hearing filed to try and understand who was responsible for taking the decision to arrest the judge. The former president attributed the initial arrest call to his Defence Ministry, on the grounds of “protecting” national security relating to alleged ethical concerns about the judge.

Today’s summons of the former president is said to be the first of three cases filed at the HRCM involving himself. These cases all relate to potential human rights abuses allegedly carried out both by and against Nasheed during the lead up and aftermath of a controversial transfer of power that saw President Mohamed Waheed Hassan installed as his successor.

The former president has since alleged that his resignation from the presidency was performed under duress.

Nasheed’s arrival today was heralded by a few hundred supporters who gathered around the HRCM building carrying banners alleging abuse at the hands of police earlier this week. Many of those gathered waited for the former president to deliver his account to the commission. Riot police arrived briefly at the area outside the commission, but the crowd later dispersed without confrontation.

The arrest of Judge Abdulla Mohamed itself occurred on January 16 in relation to a police request. The judges whereabouts were not revealed until January 18 however, leading to international condemnation of Nasheed as well as domestic criticism reflected in ongoing protests over several weeks that observers later suggested were partly linked to his eventual downfall on February 7.

HRCM spokesperson Jeehan Mahmoud told Minivan News that while additional cases relating to the former president would be focused on alleged human rights abuses against him after the build up and transfer of power, today’s hearing related to specifically identifying the party who placed the order to arrest the judge.

Jeehan added that the HRCM had previously unsuccessfully attempted to  summon former defence and home minsters, as well as senior police officials who had served under Nasheed during the time the arrest decision was taken.  However, today’s  move was taken to request that the former president explain what had occurred himself.

“If these ministers and [police] representatives would have attended [the HRCM hearings], I think thing would have been a lot clearer,” she said. “We wanted to collect more responses on this as it hasn’t been clear where the order [to arrest the judge] had came from.”

Possible outcome

The commission spokesperson said that the group had not yet decided on what methods it would look to take to readdress any potential abuses of the judge’s human rights.  Therefore she said it was too early to say whether this could include filing a case against any of the decison makers involved at the Prosecutor General’s Office.

Malé MP Imthiyaz Fahmy, who formed part of nasheed’s legal team today, told Minivan News that the former president gave testimony alleging that the decision to arrest the judge was related to a number of possible misdemeanour’s that had been attributed to him dating back several years.

In November, the national court watchdog, the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), was ordered to cease an investigation into Judge Abdulla Mohamed by the civil Court under an action he himself instigated.

Amidst developments such as these, Fahmy claimed that Nasheed used his testimony to claim that he had been informed by the Home Ministry that the judge had allegedly posed a “national threat” – prompting his eventual detention.

The MDP MP added that Nasheed then claimed that the Home Ministry had communicated with the Defence Ministry on the situation, which in turn led to the decision to arrest the judge after bodies like the Judicial Service Commission has raised alleged concerns over his ethical conduct.

“I was told Abdulla Mohamed would not comply with the police’s summons to investigate allegations [against him],” Nasheed later stated at a press conference following the meeting with the HRCM.

“The Home Minister wrote to the Defense Minister that Abdulla Mohamed’s presence in the courts was a threat to national security. And to take necessary steps. And that step, the isolation of Abdulla Mohamed, was what the [Defense] Ministry deemed necessary.”

Nasheed claimed additionally that he had sent representatives to Girifushi to check on Judge Abdulla Mohamed’s well-being during his detention, alongside allowing the HRCM to visit the judge.

Fahmy alleged that it was ironic that Nasheed, a leader he said who had openly discouraged the use of torture and actively campaigned against human rights abuses, had become the country’s first former leader to have been called in front of the HRCM.

However, HRCM spokesperson Jeehan said that Nasheed would be called back for two additional cases – expected to be sat at the same time – that would look into alleged abuses of human rights against the former president. The first case would be focused on the events of February 6 and February 7 this year, the two dates surrounding Nasheed’s “resignation” from office, a decision later claimed to have been part of a “coup d’etat” against him.

The third and final case would then concern any claims of human rights abuses against Mohamed Nasheed by police on February 8, the day after he tendered his presidency ended.

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Construction sites blamed as dengue cases surge

The Centre for Community Health and Disease Control (CCHDC) on Tuesday issued the first warning this year on a possible outbreak of dengue fever, and urged the public to to take preventive measures to fight the mosquito-borne disease that has become one of the worst public health threats in the Maldives.

Though the Maldives holds South-East Asia’s record for being malaria-free, since 2004 the country has been battling a growing epidemic of dengue fever annually with nearly a 1000 reported cases and three deaths annually, except in 2006 and 2011 where the reported cases doubled, and fatalities reached 10 and 12 respectively – a record high in the country’s history.

According to the CCHDC statement, 163 cases have been reported so far this year, 100 cases from Male’ and Hulhumale’ and the other cases from across the islands.

Although Maldives usually experience two peaks of dengue following the rainy seasons; one between January to March and the other during June to August, the center observed that dengue cases continues to be reported from Male’ and Hulhumale’ outside the peak periods.

“This is due to the non-stop construction work going on Male’ and Hulhumale”, noted the center.

Health experts have also echoed similar concerns and pinpointed Male’s mosquito-breeding to pools of stagnant water in building sites across the city – which is often poorly monitored.

The center meanwhile called for public support to in the fight against dengue by taking preventive measures including the clearance of mosquito breeding grounds inside homes, schools and other public areas and increased use of mosquito repellant sprays and lotions.

Ignorance

However, health experts worry that public will ignore the warnings until the death toll increases.

In 2011, dengue did not come to the center of attention until June when four children died of dengue in 48 hours, making headlines on almost all local media outlets. The government the next day set up a task force to combat the outbreak.

At the time, speaking to this author, Public Health Programme Coordinator for the Center for Community Health and Disease Control (CCHDC) Dr Fathmath Nazla Rafeeq shared her concerns over the lack of public attention to the center’s alerts.

“Since December [2010] we had warned about the increase in dengue cases. But most of the people don’t even remember. They assume that mosquitoes should be controlled if there is a dengue outbreak and everything will be okay when authorities spray fog,” Nazla observed. “Therefore, on most islands, its [mosquito control] is highly neglected. Once dengue starts to spread, people panic,” she added.

According to her, a dengue outbreak is inevitable, unless public collaborate with the authorities to eliminate mosquito breeding sites regularly.

Health Minister and former Director of CCHDC Dr Ahmed Jamsheed meanwhile wrote on his blog on June 2011: “Multiple reminders in the form of health warnings and press releases issued by CCHDC following heavy rain and prior to an expected outbreak are either ignored or not acted upon sufficiently”.

Furthermore, he noted “there are several fundamental problems in how mosquito control work is being carried out; with improper approaches and wrong techniques resulting not only in a failure to control mosquito, but also mosquitoes getting resistant to chemicals due to irrational and improper use of chemicals, which is an extremely worrying problem.”

While advice and reminders fail, Jamsheed suggests that punitive measures need to be taken to continue the fight against dengue – including the introduction of Health Protection Bill.

When passed, the bill will provide “sufficient resources to ongoing efforts on community education, awareness and health promotion, access to premises with mosquito breeding and legal action against those who do not comply with the law or regulations,” according to Dr Jamsheed.

“With neither a cure nor a specific treatment, prevention becomes the only strategy we have,” Jamsheed concluded.

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Free media too much for Maldives to digest: Maldives Media Council

Following the attacks on media property during Monday’s unrest, Maldives Media Council (MMC) President Mohamed Nazeef has expressed doubt over whether a free media can flourish in the Maldives at the present time.

“We see that although we talk of democracy and freedom of media and expression, I don’t think society is ready to digest a free media,” said Nazeef.

After protests against the reconvening of the People’s Majlis turned violent, Villa Television (VTV) bore the brunt of the angry demonstrations. Projectiles aimed at the studio included bricks – and in one instance, a bicycle – while the Maldives National Defense Force (MNDF) personnel manned the building’s entrance.

The anger of Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) supporters towards VTV has been building since the events of February 7 when staff of the then-state broadcaster Maldives National Broadcast Corporation (MNBC) were ordered to patch through the VTV broadcast.

VTV is owned by Jumhoree Party (JP) Leader and MP Gasim Ibrahim, also a member of the Judicial Services Commission (JSC). Gasim’s chain of Villa Island resorts have been placed on a recent travel advisory of UK-based pro-democracy organisation Friends of Maldives (FOM).

“These are places linked to individuals or groups who we suspect to be involved in the subversion of democracy and in human rights abuses in the Maldives,” reads the advisory.

In a video aired on Raajje Television earlier this month, Gasim was seen celebrating inside police headquarters upon hearing of former President Mohamed Nasheed’s decision to resign.

MDP spokesman Hamid Abdul Ghafoor alleged at the time that the video proved “Gasim’s blatant complicity in the coup d’état.”

The nation watched VTV on state television before the feed was cut off and came back on, re-branded as Television Maldives (TVM), the name of the state broadcaster during Gayoom’s regime.

The MDP have since alleged that the national broadcaster is “being blatantly used as propaganda outlet of the coup regime, while the ongoing peaceful political activities of the MDP are being sidelined with little regard to the MBC’s mandate and the nation’s laws under which the MBC is functional.”

When asked if the MNDF had been stationed outside the television studios in anticipation of an attack, Colonel Abdul Raheem responded, “We didn’t get any intelligence that there would be attacks. It was not only VTV [that was guarded], we had persons around all key locations.”

The camera of a photographer from the Haveeru paper was also destroyed by protesters during Monday’s unrest, although Editor Moosa Latheef said he did not believe this instance was politically motivated.

Latheef reported no increase in aggression towards his reporters during the recent political strife.

In January, journalists working for the then state broadcaster MNBC were badly beaten during a protest outside the corporation’s headquarters. Preceding these attacks MNBC reporters received death threats, an MNBC official reported at the time.

Free Media?

MMC President Mohamed Nazeef lamented the politicisation of media outlets and the animosity that this produced from sections of the public: “It is a very sad situation.”

The MMC consists of fifteen members elected to preserve, promote and maintain the freedom of the press.

“The media is owned by political and business leaders. Do journalists have freedom to report what they like?” asked Nazeef. “It doesn’t happen.”

Nazeef blamed a lack of financial independence for a dearth of balanced content. “Media organisations are not financially viable. They are dependent on the owners.”

Government subsidies have been used before to try and tackle this issue, but Nazeef argued that this method was not without its problems: “It goes into the pockets of the owners.”

Whilst deploring the violence that was directed at VTV on Monday, Nazeef was not surprised.

“It shouldn’t happen, but you see the media provoking it. [Media] know [they] are taking sides… Media should balance their content.”

Aiman Rasheed of Transparency Maldives was of a similar opinion: “The media situation is clear – different media are aligned behind different people… [We] see conflict extended to the media.”

Transparency Maldives conducted a study last year into the performance and potential bias of six media organisations of which VTV was included (as was Minivan News). The amount of coverage devoted to its owner’s JP was noted as “significantly high” and largely positive.

Meanwhile, the Maldives dropped 21 places on Reporters Without Borders’ press freedom index between 2010 and 2011. The organisation also expressed its concern over the takeover of MNBC on February 7.

Fathimath Ibrahim Didi of the NGO Maldives Democracy Network agreed that a free media was a crucial concept but added, “What we want to stress is that, at the same time, it is very essential for the media to be responsible.”

“Most of the media stations in Maldives are owned by businessmen in who are somehow affiliated with a political party. Hence there is a very high probability for the media to be biased towards one side while reporting.”

Private station DhiTV is financed by ‘Champa’ Mohamed Moosa, a local businessman and political benefactor of the former opposition, while the recently opened Raajje TV belongs to Akram Kamaaluddin, state minister at Nasheed’s administration.

Among the most popular local news websites, newspaper Haveeru is owned by Dr Mohamed Zahir Hussain, who filled various cabinet posts under Gayoom’s administration and has now been appointed as chancellor of the Maldives National University by Dr Waheed, replacing his former party member Dr Mustafa Luthfy.

Sun Online belongs to Meedhoo MP and resort tycoon Sun Travel Ahmed Shiyam.

Minivan News was itself often been accused of MDP bias due its inception as a party news source. Following the change of power in 2008, all funding from politically-affiliated sources was removed. Since then the site has relied on income generated through banner advertising and has passed to a succession of foreign editors who have attempted to establish it as a credible and objective source of news in the Maldives.

Despite the ownership of media, Fathmath thinks reporters can play a crucial role in maintaining neutrality.

“Reporters themselves should also maintain neutrality at all times. We as citizens would like to see non-contradictory information or interpretation regarding one incident from all the media outlets of the Maldives,” Fathimath concluded.

Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly stated that DhiTV was owned by Hassan ‘Champa’ Afeef. DhiTV is financed by Mohamed ‘Champa’ Moosa. Minivan News regrets any confusion caused.

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Three police officers attacked, Chief Justice’s car damaged

Three police officers were attacked on Tuesday night and Chief Justice Ahmed Faiz Hassan’s car was damaged, police have reported.

The three separate incidents took place within hours of each other around Nalahiya Hotel in Malé’s Maafannu ward. The three policemen sustained severe injuries which required hospital treatment, while the tail lights of Faiz’s car were smashed, according to police. Three men are also alleged to have entered a policeman’s house with knives on Wednesday.

Police spokesperson Hassan Haneef said 13 people have now been arrested over attacks on the police, but no arrests have been made so far regarding the vandalism of Faiz’s car.

The attack on Faiz’s car is the second attack on a Supreme Court judge’s car this week. Judicial Services Commission (JSC) chair and Justice Adam Mohamed Abdulla’s car was attacked on Friday.

The situation remains tense between opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) supporters and the security forces, as well as the judiciary. The February 7 transfer of power, which MDP alleges was a coup d’état, took place after security forces mutinied following former President Mohamed Nasheed’s military detention of Criminal Court Judge Abdulla Mohamed in January.

President Waheed alleged on Twitter that Nasheed’s supporters were behind the violence: “Violence by Nasheed’s supporters keeps increasing,” he wrote.

Violence Against Police

The attacks on the police and chief justice’s car follow Monday’s violent confrontations between security forces and protestors who sought to obstruct Waheed from delivering a constitutionally-mandated address at the Majlis’ opening session – a second attempt after the first failed on March 1. Protestors claimed Waheed’s presence in the Majlis violates the institution’s integrity.

Police arrested 99 and said eight law enforcement officers were injured in Monday’s clashes. Police subsequently cleared out MDP’s protest camp at Raalhugandu (Surf Point) on the same day.

Superintendent Ahmed Mohamed said Tuesday’s assault on police took place while police were patrolling the streets of Malé. Two police officers were stopped by a crowd near Nalahiya Hotel at 11:30 pm, he said. One sustained injuries to the head while the other policewoman was hit on her chest and sexually harassed, claimed Mohamed.

The third police officer was also attacked near Nalahiya Hotel at 12:40 am. Mohamed appealed to the public to stop inciting violence against police at a press conference on Wednesday.

Meanwhile, posts on social media Twitter reveal a more complex picture of violence at Nalahiya Hotel. One photo shows a man with head injuries allegedly cause by police, and the other shows a man with extensive bruising on his upper arm. The third photo shows a policeman wielding a baton holding a crouching young man. The young man’s shirt is pulled over his face.

Superintendent Ahmed Mohamed said youth were involved in violence, and appealed to them to “take up responsible jobs instead of taking part in atrocities.”

Intimidation

Faiz’s car was damaged on Tuesday night by protestors gathered at the Defense Minister Mohamed Nazim’s house at 11:45 pm. Faiz was not in the car at the time.

Adam Mohamed’s car was also attacked by protestors after Friday prayers. Adam Mohamed and his child were in the car, but were not injured, reported local media.

The Supreme Court released a statement on Monday condemning attacks on judges and court buildings. It highlighted three separate attacks on judges, including that on Adam Mohamed, since January.

The other two incidents include a physical assault on Fuvahmula magistrate Ahmed Latheef in Fuvahmulah Island on March 8 and an attack on an unnamed judge on January 20.

The statement also condemned the torching of court buildings during the February 8 unrest in the atolls following police attack on MDP protesters in Malé.

“These attacks are aimed to cause irretrievable loss to justice system and to intimidate all working within the justice system,” the statement read.

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Comment: Reconciling to reconciliation

With the People’s Majlis, or Parliament, commencing its delayed inaugural session for the current year with the customary address by President Mohammed Waheed Hassan, even if in the midst of disturbances caused by the majority Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), the stage may have been set now for political reconciliation in Maldives.

If nothing else, neither can the MDP be seen as continuing to stall parliamentary proceedings without increasing international opprobrium nor can the Government parties argue that in the absence of peace in Parliament, they could not be expected to discuss and vote on advancing presidential polls, as promised.

Addressing Parliament, President Waheed declared his intention to facilitate early elections, as promised to India and the rest of the international community after MDP predecessor Mohammed Nasheedpost facto claimed that a ‘mutiny’ by a section of the armed forces and police was the chief cause for his widely-telecast resignation on February 7.

On another note of concern to the MDP, both while in office and otherwise, he spoke about plans to “empower” the independence of institutions like the Majlis and the country’s judiciary by not “interfering” with their work. In his days in office and outside, President Nasheed and his MDP colleagues had often talked about ‘reforming’ the judiciary and other independent institutions, translating in effect into what the Opposition called ‘interference’.

“This is the time for all of us to work together in one spirit, the time to bring political differences to the discussion table in order to formulate solutions. According to the Constitution, the earliest date for a presidential election is July 2013. If a presidential election is required at an earlier date, changes need to be made to the Constitution. I will do everything in my power to bring together all the political leaders, to hold discussions on the matter,” President Waheed said in his inaugural address, when Parliament reconvened on Monday, March 19, after MDP members inside the Chamber and street-protesters had stalled the originally scheduled sitting on March 1 in an unprecedented manner.

Independent of the street-protests that have continued until after the security forces had swung into action a day after the presidential address and removed an ‘MDP camp’, in what is argued to be the land allotted to the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF), in turn leading to a court case, there now seems to be some scope for reconciliation in regard to the continuing political deadlock.

While arguing the MDP’s case on substantive issues, a Commonwealth ministerial team, on its second visit to the country since Nasheed quit office, did not take kindly to his party members disrupting parliamentary proceedings. Then as now, the International Parliamentary Union (IPU) too has decried the MDP behaviour inside Parliament, both on March 1 and 19.

Voices against violence

From within the MDP, there have been increasing voices against street-violence by party cadres, and also on the need for the party to return to the negotiations table for taking its agenda forward. Party president and former president Ibrahim Didi was among the first to criticise cadre-violence, targeting public and private property. Included in the list in recent days was the building housing the media establishment of former opposition Jumhooree Party founder and one-time Finance Minister Gasim Ibrahim, who in turn is among the richest in the country.

Sooner than later, the MDP will be called upon to test President Waheed’s constantly-reiterated commitment to early polls, by participating in the all-party talks, initiated at the latter’s instance weeks ago. Two other political parties, namely the DRP and the PPM, both founded by Nasheed’s predecessor Maumoon Gayoom, with he himself now being associated only with the latter, had decided to stay away from the talks after the MDP did so in the past. They too have now to be talked into returning to the negotiations table, if the reconciliation process has to go anywhere. They may want guarantees that the MDP would stick to the negotiations table until a clear picture emerged on the future course.

DRP leader Thasmeen Ali however has since reiterated his party’s original commitment to facilitate early presidential polls, pointing out however that the MDP would have to let Parliament function for that to happen. From within the MDP, too, a few voices are being heard about the need for the party’s participation in the all-party talks, if only for it to take the logical next step to early polls, and also let Parliament function normally — again, with the same end in mind.

Chicken-and-egg question

It is a chicken-and-egg question when it comes to finalising the date for the presidential polls. The MDP wants the Government to announce the poll-date first whereas the Government parties want the procedural issues in this regard addressed before they could take the logical next step. Or, that is the argument. The MDP is also unclear if they want a tentative date and a commitment to the effect from the Government — or, would want a formal notification before they could re-join the reconciliation process. The latter could prove problematic as the Election Commission — and by reverse extension, the Government — is not authorised to do so in the absence of a constitutional amendment.

Under the Third Republican Constitution of 2008, once-in-five-year presidential polls, now due in November 2013, could be conducted within three months of the due date. Any advancement, by implication, has to be facilitated by a constitutional amendment carrying two-thirds majority in the Majlis — and may require judicial concurrence, if contested. Though being the majority party in Parliament, the MDP too falls woefully short of the magic number. While the party was able to push its position from being the second largest group in the House after the parliamentary polls in 2009 to the top slot, the post-resignation period has not provided any comfort in pushing the numbers further up.

No time to lose

The MDP distanced itself from the negotiations process when the all-party meeting was scheduled to discuss the prioritisation of items in the outline agenda that had been mutually agreed upon. Apart from setting the priority list for the talks from the draft agenda, the all-party meeting will have to go into substantive issues falling under each of the subject-heads. The MDP wants the entire process fast-tracked so as to decide on the poll date first. The Government parties are keen also to discuss institutional reforms, as some of them are concerned about the existing estrangement between the security forces and sections of the national polity, which could spell doom, before, during and after the polls, if a meaningful reconciliation effort is not put in place and executed with elan.

Time is the essence for all concerned. Given their internal contradictions, the Government parties are sure to find mutual accommodation among themselves a tougher proposition than they may have bargained for. The younger elements in many of these parties may not have the same regard from Gayoom as the earlier generation, with the result, they may contest whatever compromise that might be arrived at on specific issues where his counsel could otherwise prevail.

In its turn, the MDP faces the danger of the focus of its current protests and political position slipping away, with extraneous factors coming to dominate the inner-party discourse. The Nasheed leadership has been able to streamline stray yet powerful voices within the party that has talked freely against street-violence and for the MDP to re-join the political process. Senior party leaders who have spoken on such issues have since been quick to point out that it was only a part of the internal mechanisms, and on all issues, including the continuance of street-protests without violence, they were with the leadership.

As the MDP leadership may have seen for itself already, the continuing non-cooperation with the Government on the commitments that the latter has made in relation to restoration of normalcy, and more importantly, early presidential polls, has not gone down well with friends of the party elsewhere and non-cadre sympathisers nearer home. The latter in particular are already feeling the pinch of street-protests interfering with the peaceful daily life that they had been used to — with financial consequences to individuals, too.

Islamic faith, national spirit

While referring to the economy, tourism and international relations, President Waheed in his parliamentary speech also mentioned Islam. “Being a 100 per cent Muslim nation, Maldives does not offer opportunities for the practice of other religions within the country,” he said. “The Government will work to revive the spirit and strengthen the principles of Islamic faith among the people.”

However, President Waheed followed this up with a more direct reference to nationalism, per se. Said he in this regard: “Special efforts will be made to strengthen national spirit and togetherness of Maldivians. Activities to understand our history, culture and nationality will be conducted.” This reference is less perfunctory than it may sound, though the more direct mention of Islam may or may not be as purposeful as it too may read.

As may be recalled, throughout the campaign for the introduction of multi-party democracy in Maldives, the MDP in the years before 2008 had constantly referred to what it propagated as President Gayoom’s efforts at Islamisation of Maldives – an idea that caught the imagination of the pro-Nasheed West in the post-9/11 era in particular. All efforts at removing President Nasheed throughout last year without the required two-thirds majority in the Majlis for his possible impeachment culminated not in any political protest but in the formation of a ‘December 23 Coalition’ by religious NGOs, to protect Islam in Nasheed’s Maldives, with the political opposition seeing in it a chance to evolve a national movement of sorts.

In the days and weeks after President Nasheed’s exit, President Waheed has been constantly and continuously referring to Islam in all his public appearances. While it makes sense in the larger context, his allies in Government have been careful not to make such references and thus possibly provide political space for religious groups outside the existing electoral spectrum. If it signals a fracture in electoral thinking between President Waheed and his political allies remains to be seen. Yet, in the context of the party’s calls for early polls, the MDP too has been silent on this score, after having chided and criticised the rest on what it called ‘fundamentalist religious’ counts during the run-up to the December 23 protest and before – but not afterward.

The writer is a Senior Fellow at Observer Research Foundation.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Police confirm rubber bullet use as violence rocks Male’

Police officials today confirmed the use of less-lethal weapons including pepper spray, tear gas and, in one confirmed case, rubber bullets during violent clashes with civilians in Male’.

However, the country’s security forces insisted they had employed a policy of “minimum force” against anti-government protesters.

Despite international calls for calm, and pledges to conduct peaceful anti-government protests, images of violence were the one constant across all Maldivian media as President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan was finally able to give his state of the nation address.

The president still required several attempts, having to shout over loud heckling and protests by several Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) supporters to get the job done.

Chaotic scenes – more often that not of a violent nature – took place both inside and out of the country’s parliament as bitter political divide stemming from allegations that Waheed replaced Mohamed Nasheed as the country’s president in a coup d’etat, appeared to escalate.

Rubber bullets

A spokesperson for the Maldives’ Police Service told Minivan News that amidst the day’s violence, there was one confirmed case of rubber bullets being used during the afternoon in order to stop an individual accused of taking a police vehicle from near the now-demolished MDP protest camp.

The spokesperson added that the exact details of whether or not the suspect hit by the projectile was an anti-government protester had not been confirmed at the time of going to press.

When contacted by Minivan News, Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF) spokesperson Colonel Abdul Raheem added that he was not aware of any incidents of military officers using rubber bullets against civilians during the day. However, he did stress that as a so-called less-lethal weapon, rubber or plastic bullets were options the military were authorised to use as a means to restore order.

Majlis trouble

With President Waheed facing calls from international bodies such as the European Union and the Commonwealth, as well as the opposition MDP to hold fresh elections over the controversial transfer of power that brought him into office, a mixture of violence and heckling erupted in parliament.

Several international observers were reported to have been looking on from the public galleries, according to a source present during the session.

Some media outlets reported that several MDP MPs were injured during minor scuffles that broke out in the Majlis chamber as protesters faced expulsion for continuing to block Waheed.  MDP party members alleged that it was the MNDF that was responsible, a claim refuted by military officials.

An MDP member claimed that at one point around 20 MNDF soldiers entered parliament, attacking MDP members, including Baarashu Dhaaira MP Shifaz.

Shifaz was alleged to have been beaten unconscious before being removed from parliament by MNDF officers with a broken leg.

After several attempts by the President to complete his speech, a task frequently interrupted as Parliamentary Speaker Abdulla Shahid’s was forced to fulfil his constitutional duty to remove disruptive MPs from the Majlis, Waheed was able to continue only by shouting over his dissenters.

Waheed had been prevented from delivering his speech at the previously scheduled opening of parliament of March 1.

Once the Majlis session was concluded, Maldivian Democratic Party spokesperson Imthiyaz Fahmy said the party did not take pride in obstructing parliament, but had felt forced to do so due to its dissatisfaction with the nature of Waheed’s accession to the Presidency.

Fahmy claimed the party would now work both inside and outside of parliament to achieve early elections. Waheed later issued a statement claiming he would work with all political parties to ensure early elections if such a thing was “required”.

A spokesperson for the President was unable to clarify exactly what sort of requirement he was referring to when contacted by Minivan News.

“This is the time for all of us to work together in one spirit, the time to bring political differences to the discussion table in order to formulate solutions,” stated Waheed. “I fully assure you that I will not order anyone to act against the constitution or laws of this country”.

In the streets

Any hopes for more orderly demonstrations at protests outside of parliament were also dashed as violent chaos ensued in the streets.
Groups of anti-government protesters left the MDP camp by the Tsunami memorial just before 9.30am and were firmly entrenched at two of the police’s many barricades by 10am with all routes to the Majlis blocked.

While those to the east of the Majlis building demonstrated peacefully with a sit-down, the far larger group advancing on the blockade to the south appeared more confrontational in their approach.

The activities of this group eventually prompted the use of tear gas by police, which drove the group away from the police lines.

This tactic then brought the group into direct confrontation with soldiers who were protecting the studios of Villa Television (VTV).

In the meantime, fire fighters struggled to control a blaze at Neelan Fihaara on the other side of town situated next to a police garage. The cause of this fire is not yet known, though both the MDP and pro-government supporters blamed each other for deliberately starting the blaze.

As demonstrators on Sosun Magu were forced back, some vented their frustrations on the VTV building, using bricks from outside the adjacent hospital to attack the troops and the TV station.  Extensive damage was reportedly caused to VTV and its property, with the station briefly being brought off air – an act claimed by the station’s owner to be tantamount to “terrorism”.

Local media bodies also criticised protesters for allegedly threatening journalists and media personnel covering the clashes.

MNDF reinforcements and, according to some witnesses, rubber bullets were used by police to successfully disperse the rioters on Sosun Magu.

Minivan News witnessed the use of some form of weapon, but could not confirm what sort of projectiles were fired from it. By this point, police had claimed one civilian and eight police officers were injured.

President Waheed used his Twitter account to lay the blame for the street battles solely at the foot of former President Nasheed – despite his non-appearance on the day.

“Anni must take responsibility for the chaos as he is directing the chaos in Male’,” he said.

The clashes along Sosun Magu between security forces and their aggressors continued into the afternoon until demonstrators began to make their way to the MDP protest camp near the Tsunami Memorial at about 3pm.

Less than an hour later, police told Minivan News that the violent confrontations with protesters appeared to have been brought under control.

Rising tensions

However, tempers soon flared again as large numbers of police arrived to begin clearing the surf point area of the capital that has been home to the MDP protest camp since former President Nasheed’s controversial resignation in February.

A police spokesperson told Minivan News that a court order to dismantle the camp had been obtained by the security forces in response to the violence that engulfed the city during the morning. The MDP have disputed the existence if any such warrant.

“All of the unlawful acts that are taking place across the city have been planned in this place [the MDP camp],” the spokesperson claimed.

Attorney General Azima Shukoor later told local press that the Tsunami Memorial area itself belonged to the MNDF, at least according to certain laws which would suggest Male’ City Council’s decision to provide the MDP with the land until later this year was invalid.

“The old days are back”

However, MDP Spokesperson Imthiyaz Fahmy responded with claims that the move reflected a continued reversal of human rights under the new government.

“The old days are back. They are violating freedoms of expression and association,” he told Minivan News. “They are now committing atrocities in daylight to intimidate the public.”

Fahmy claimed he was not surprised that the security forces had been granted a court warrant to remove the camp, “The courts function as they want.”

As protesters gathered around the police blockade surrounding the perimeter of the camp area, tear gas and water cannons were used by security officials to pushprotesters back towards Dharubaaruge.

With the camp eventually dismantled, both the Haveeru and Sun Online news agencies reported the police’s discovery of beer cans and a large quantity of a substance believed to smell like home-brewed alcohol, both prohibited under Maldivian law – though this discovery has not been confirmed by Minivan News.

Despite crowds continuing to gather to jeer and shout at police past sunset, the day’s violence appeared to once again have died down by 8PM.

Correction: The original opening paragraph to this article implied MNDF officials had also confirmed the use of rubber bullets, which was not the case.  Minivan News apologises for the grammatical error.

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Youth Alliance march for unity

Yesterday around 250 members of the Youth Alliance marched down Male’s Majeedee Magu hoping, somewhat ambitiously, to promote a non-partisan message of peace and unity. Dressed all in white, the group made it’s way down Male’s busiest street accompanied by white balloons, drums, and smiles.

The group included supporters from both the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), the Dhivehi Rayithunge Party (DRP), and the Progressive Party of the Maldives (PPM).

The start of the march was held up after some supporters of the MDP allegedly attempted to block the Alliance’s path, resulting in a slight delay near the intersection with Chandhanee Magu, shortly after the group had departed from the Social Centre on its way to the Carnival grounds.

At this stage, some marchers decided to abandon the protest, fearing that the event might become a politicised one. Although the group had requested that the event remain politically neutral, some ‘where’s my vote?’ placards could be spotted.

It is also alleged that some PPM supporters attempted to organise a separate gathering to draw support away from the Youth Alliance march.

Disgruntled motorists sounded their horns behind the group as it edged its way along the route. Amidst the crescendo of beeps, one motorbike, riding just behind the group in white, escorted another potential saboteur who chanted “Baaghee Waheed” over a loudspeaker.

One of the group’s organisers, Aishath Hana, was keen to stress that the group did not receive any funding from politicians for their efforts, despite rumours to the contrary.

“We organised this walk for our nation and we even spent our own money to organise this event” said Hana.

Those tailing the group, loudspeaker and all, turned south Boduthakurufaanu Magu while the Youth Alliance turned north towards the Carnival grounds.

Upon reaching their destination, the group gathered in formation to make a peace symbol before singing and dancing to the bodu beru. Hana was happy with the day despite the interruptions, “It was a success…We want to thank everyone who joined in our walk.”

“We had to overcome many obstacles but we made it.”

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