Escape from the Maldives: ‘This doesn’t look good, Mr President’

All hell was breaking loose down the street at the army headquarters, former advisor to ousted President Mohamed Nasheed, Paul Roberts, told MSN, recounting the last moments of Nasheed’s government.

“A couple of hundred supporters of former president Gayoom, who ruled the Maldives between 1978 and 2008, accompanied by a hundred or so police officers in full riot gear, were fighting with troops and trying to break into the HQ.

“I stood transfixed at the ongoing bedlam. A tear gas canister bounced past me down the street and dozens of young people started running towards me. I bolted into the President’s Office, behind the relative security of blast walls and armed guards.

“My colleagues who had made it into work were wandering around in a state of shock. I asked what was going on and people said there had been a police mutiny and hundreds of officers were no longer under state control. As the morning wore on, the situation became grimmer.

‘My colleague in army intelligence was looking increasingly worried. He reported that “all of the military police” and around 70 other soldiers had “switched sides” and joined the demonstrators. Most of the cabinet ministers were assembled in a second floor meeting room. There was no sign of President Nasheed.

‘The ministers were in disarray. Nobody knew what to do. My phone was going crazy, with calls from journalists and diplomats hungry for information.

“At around 11:30am, a friend at the state TV and radio broadcaster called and said police and protesters had raided the building. The journalists were locked in a room and the TV station had been taken off air. I went to the office balcony.

“A few of the President’s senior security advisers were making frantic calls to New Delhi, requesting Indian military intervention. I went up to my office and telephoned the British High Commission in Colombo, which handles Maldives’ affairs. I told them some of my colleagues were reporting that we were losing control of the country, and they were requesting foreign military intervention.”

“My phone kept ringing non-stop. One of the bodyguards was staring at me fiercely. I could see the bulge under his shirt by his hip, where I knew he kept his firearm. I slinked off to the toilet to answer my phone. It was a reporter from the New York Times. I told him the military had taken control of the President’s Office and I thought a coup was taking place. I came out of the loo and stood at the second floor balcony, near the President’s room.

“On the ground floor, the press office people were hurriedly taking a video camera into the press conference room. I saw Nasheed walking towards me, surrounded by a couple of aides and around seven people in combat fatigues.

“His eyes were bloodshot. He looked at me and smiled, as he always does. “So, Paul?” he said. I replied: “So this doesn’t look very good Mr President.”

“He slapped me on the back as he walked past into a meeting room. Within minutes, he hurriedly scribbled out a resignation letter and announced his decision on live TV. Two security people loyal to former president Gayoom, who had no role in the military or police at the time, flanked him.”

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Nasheed departs to Lanka to talk about coup

Former President Mohamed Nasheed has departed to Sri Lanka on Thursday on a mission to give information to the international community on “how the Maldives government was changed in a coup” on February 7.

According to the statement released by the Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), “Reeko” Moosa Manik, party chairperson, MDP Parliamentary group leader Ibrahim Mohamed “Ibu” Solih, MP Mohamed Aslam and several cabinet members of his administration will accompany him during the trip.

This is Nasheed’s first trip abroad since his controversial resignation, which the party claims was forced in an opposition backed coup that was aided by rogue security forces.

MDP expects to gain international backing on calling early elections in Maldives to unseat the new President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik, whose legitimacy has been widely denounced by MDP supporters following the police and military-led events of February 7.

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Inquiry not a criminal investigation: commission head Shafeeu

There will be no criminal investigation into the events leading to the resignation of of former President Mohamed Nasheed on February 7, and the subsequent transfer of presidential power to then-Vice President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik, the Committee of National Inquiry (CNI) said on Thursday.

The commission is charged with looking into the legality and legitimacy of the transfer of presidential power following allegations from former ruling Maldivian Democratic (MDP) that Waheed came to power in an opposition-backed coup in which elements of police and Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) were bribed to revolt against Nasheed and force him to step down at “gun point”.

Both security forces and then-opposition parties – which now largely represents key cabinet posts and ministerial positions at Dr Waheed’s administration – have steadily denied the allegations.

The commission members now including former minister of defence and national security during President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom’s administration, Ismail Shafeeu, members Dr Ibrahim Yasir and Dr Ali Fawaz Shareef on Thursday held its first press conference and briefed the journalists on the commission’s responsibilities, assuring that the members will conduct a “strictly impartial and independent inquiry”.

However, according to commission head Shafeeu, the commission will not conduct any criminal investigation against anyone while assessing the events leading to Nasheed’s resignation – suggesting that the report which will be submitted to President, Vice President and Prosecutor General before May 31, is unlikely to hold any party or person accountable to the transfer of power.

The commission’s “terms of reference” released to the press read that the “mandate of the commission specifically indicates that the inquiry will not be a criminal investigation. Any criminal investigation pertaining to the subject of the inquiry will remain the responsibility of the relevant authorities”.

Meanwhile it states the commission’s mandate as “exploring the facts, circumstances and causes of the events on 7 February 2012, resulting in the transfer of powers”.

Shafeeu further explained that “the inquiry is not intended to allege anyone of any crime” and said the final report will include opinions from three commission members which will be solely based on the personal assessment of the events and information gathered from the state institutions and concerned individuals.

According to commission member Yasir, many believe that commission is investigating criminal charges because former presidents had formed commissions tasked with criminal investigations.

“As soon as the commission was formed by Presidential decree, people began to ask about what sort of investigations we will conduct. But, we have not been asked to conduct any investigation. What we are doing is conducting an inquiry to identify the circumstances leading to transfer of power on February 7,” Yasir observed.

He added that the commission welcomes information from the public and the work is underway to set up a website where people can send information and follow the commission’s works. He also said that all political parties have been requested to co-operate and meetings are ongoing with independent institutions.

The commission has already met with the Police Integrity Commission, Attorney General (AG), Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM), Civil Service Commission (CSC) Prosecutor General (PG) and several NGOs.

Member Favaz meanwhile noted that commission has decided to seek technical assistance from United Nations (UN) and foreign ministry will facilitate the process. When asked whether Commonwealth will join the investigation Fayaaz responded: “We decided to channel UN’s assistance because the body compromise of all the nations while Commonwealth represents a specific group of countries. But we do welcome assistance from all international bodies and countries”.

The Commonwealth and Transparency Maldives has previously concurred with the need for international involvement, stating that it “strongly felt that there should be international participation in any investigative mechanism, as may be mutually agreed by political parties in Maldives.

Though government had shown willingness, the inclusion of international experts in the inquiry process is still pending.

MDP’s spokesperson Hamid Abdul Ghafoor meanwhile dismissed the inquiry commissions remarks claiming that it has “absolutely no substance”.

“The terms of reference of the inquiry commission has nothing to do with what the CMAG has asked or what we are asking for. This [commission] is tailor-made to the wishes of an politician who is trying to consolidate the rule of Gayoom’s factions. And now they are saying there will be no criminal investigation,” Ghafoor alleged.

“How can there be an impartial investigation when the members are appointed by those who were involved in the coup and denying international involvement in the inquiry process?” Ghafoor asked.

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Government assures Transparency Maldives of willingness to accept international assistance in inquiry

President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan has assured Transparency Maldives of his willingness to include international groups in the inquiry into the events surrounding his accession to the presidency.

In a meeting with the local NGO, President Waheed and Attorney General Azima Shukoor also welcomed requests for increased transparency in the workings of the Committee of National Inquiry (CNI) which is charged with looking into the legality and legitimacy of the transfer of presidential power.

Transparency Maldives Project Director Aiman Rasheed emerged from the meeting confident that Dr Waheed would respect the importance of transparency and accountability in the inquiry process.

Rasheed told Minivan News that Dr Waheed saw an independent and transparent process as the way forward, and recognised that an enquiry which did not have the support of the people would only further political discontent.

The inclusion of international experts in any such inquiry has been urged by numerous international actors as well as the party of  former President Nasheed. The Commonwealth Ministerial Action Committee (CMAG), in a statement released after its own inconclusive enquiry into recent events, had strongly recommended an international element to any future investigation, “as mutually agreed to by political parties in Maldives.”

The largest party in the People’s Majlis, Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), yesterday criticised the CNI for “dragging its feet” on the issue, in what it said was “a clear violation” of the wishes of the international community.

“The MDP hopes that the international community will immediately call on the Dr Waheed regime and the CNI to commit to significant international assistance in the investigation,” the party said in a statement.

MDP said it had received reports of that members of the police force willing to talk to the CNI were facing intimidation. MDP International Affairs Spokesperson Hamid Abdul Ghafoor said he believed that such reports only increased the need for international experts, including witness protection specialists, to help bring investigations to a successful conclusion. Ghafoor has previously drawn unfavourable comparisons between this investigation and the 2003 Maafushi jail enquiry whose independence was questioned and whose outcome was censored.

The CNI currently consists of three members: Ismail Shafeeu, former minister of defence and national security during President Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom’s administration; Dr Ali Fawaz Shareef, Deputy Vice Chancellor at Maldives National University; and Dr Ibrahim Yasir, former Director General of Health Services.

One member of the commission has already been reappointed. Dr Ali Fawaz Shareef replaced Ahmed Mujuthaba, who said his position as the convener of the all-party consultative meetings was a conflict of interest.

Transparency Maldives, which is scheduled to meet the CNI tomorrow with three other NGOs, including the Maldivian Democracy Network, Maldives NGO Federation and Democracy House, has been active in raising awareness of the detrimental impact corruption and opaque governance on society.

The group’s current projects include Parliament Watch, a program that aims to increase public scrutiny of the procedures and processes used in the People’s Majlis, and the CRINIS Project advocating for changes to political party financing transparency. Others include the Right to Information Project, creating demand for right to information for greater transparency and accountability, the Decentralisation Project promoting accountability and increasing citizen engagement in local governments, and Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres Project, helping victims of corruption with the legal systems in place.

It has also produced reports on media, and conducted surveys on corruption perception. In pursuit of its stated goals of justice and democracy it asked the President to consider allowing it observer status on the CNI. It also requested that the CNI’s findings be made public.

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Security forces use water cannon on MDP women’s sit-down protest

The Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) and police used a salt water cannons to break up a gathering of nearly 100 female supporters of Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) outside President Office on Tuesday afternoon.

The women marched to the President Office around 3:15pm to deliver a set of letters requesting President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan to resign, while the rest of the female demonstrators sat down outside the office holding boards bearing slogans including “Where is my vote?” and “Justice now”.

The women from all ages continued to call for President Waheed’s resignation while the police and MNDF on the scene ordered the women to leave the area.

Video footage circulating over the social media then show that the police aimed a high-pressure salt water cannon at the crowd for at least five minutes, but this did little to deter the women, who were then physically picked up by policewomen. Others were pushed back by policemen armed with shields.

Several eye witnesses alleged to Minivan News that “some policeman groped the female demonstrators, tore their clothes and used foul language” during the removal.

“Two women’s clothes were torn from the shoulders when the policemen tried to grab them. One woman’s veil was taken off and I saw her shouting at the police,” one of the demonstrator told Minivan News over the phone.

Another eye witness reported seeing a woman who was “dragged by her feet” after she refused to leave. “The women tried to shove him off and cover her body because her blouse was torn, but the policeman grabbed her hands,” the source claimed.

Several women were seeing resisting arrest while the policewomen attempted to grab some of the women hosed down by the salt water. Although, the crowds were dispersed from the President Office, the women continued to voice their discontent on the nearby streets until nightfall.

Police media official, Sub-Inspector Ahmed Shiyam, told Minivan  News that female protesters forcibly crossed the police cordons and  “intimidated the police”.

Police Commissioner Abdulla Riyaz at a press conference yesterday had vowed that police would “become feared by the most dreaded criminals”.

“[The women] forcibly crossed into the area near the President Office after intimidating the police guards at the cordon blocking the area. They were ordered to leave the area repeatedly before the police used force to remove them,” Shiyam said.

Responding to allegations that police used excessive force to subdue the gathering, Shiyam said “If anyone has any complaints they can follow the due process and file a complaint.”

“What we used was water. It is the least brutal force used to disperse a gathering,” he further added.

Speaking to Minivan News today, former Tourism Minister Dr Mariyam Zulfa said that before the protest outside the President Office nearly 500 female MDP supporters went to the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) to file a complaint over the police brutality.

She claimed the commission has so far failed to take any action.

“As we were coming back some went to the President Office to deliver letters to request Waheed  resign. So while they did that, we sat down to peacefully protest. However, almost immediately police came and used a high pressure water hose,” said Dr  Zulfa, who was also at the sit-down demonstration.

“There is no way to end this brutality,” she said. “The international community has failed to see this day after day. Anywhere else in the world this would be a shameless military coup.”

Meanwhile, later in the evening HRCM had issued  a press statement condemning the police for using “excessive force” against the women while controlling today’s demonstration.

The commission also urged the police to to respect the people  right to peaceful demonstration and asked them to refrain from any actions that will harm the dignity of women.

Women have been at the front line in MDP’s political movement to bring early elections, since the party’s candidate, former President Mohamed Nasheed was deposed in what the party calls a bloodless coup.

Recently, Amnesty International has also condemned attacks on a group of MDP women supporters in Addu Atoll by the security forces, after obtaining testimonies from victims of a crackdown on demonstrators at a rally during the recent visit to the MDP stronghold by new President.

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South Asia’s democratic advances shifting into reverse: Daily Star

From the armed coup that recently ousted the Maldives’ first democratically elected president Mohamed Nasheed, to the Pakistani Supreme Court’s current effort to undermine a toothless but elected government by indicting Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani on contempt charges, South Asia’s democratic advances appear to be shifting into reverse, writes Brahma Chellaney in Lebanon’s Daily Star newspaper.

Nasheed’s forced resignation at gunpoint has made the Maldives the third country in the region, after Nepal and Sri Lanka, where a democratic transition has been derailed. The Maldives, a group of strategically located islands in the Indian Ocean, now seems set for prolonged instability.

Political developments in the region underscore the insufficiency of free, fair and competitive elections for ensuring a democratic transition. Elections, by themselves, do not guarantee genuine democratic empowerment at the grassroots level or adherence to constitutional rules by those in power.

As a result of sputtering transitions elsewhere in South Asia, India is now the sole country in the region with a deeply rooted pluralistic democracy. That is not in India’s interest, for it confronts the country with what might be called the “tyranny of geography” – that is, serious external threats from virtually all directions.

Today, political chaos and uncertainty in the region heighten the danger of spillover effects for India, threatening the country’s internal security. An increasingly unstable neighborhood also makes it more difficult to promote regional cooperation and integration, including free trade.

The rise of Islamist groups that has accompanied anti-democratic developments in South Asia represents a further threat to the region. In vandalism reminiscent of the Taliban’s demolition of the monumental Buddhas of Bamiyan in Afghanistan in 2001, Islamists ransacked the Maldives’ main museum in Male, the capital, on the day Nasheed was ousted, smashing priceless Buddhist and Hindu statues made of coral and limestone, virtually erasing all evidence of the Maldives’ Buddhist past before its people converted to Islam in the 12th century. “The whole pre-Islamic history is gone,” the museum’s director lamented.

Encouraged by opposition politicians, Islamist groups in the Maldives are “becoming more powerful,” according to Nasheed. Likewise, in Pakistan and Bangladesh, the military intelligence agencies have nurtured jihadist groups, employing them for political purposes at home and across national frontiers.

This follows a well-established pattern in the region: autocratic rule has tended to promote extremist elements, especially when those in power form opportunistic alliances with such forces. For example, Pakistan’s thriving jihadist factions arose under two military dictators: Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who used them to confront the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and Pervez Musharraf, who fled to London in 2008 under threat of impeachment and was subsequently charged with involvement in the assassination of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007 – a milestone in Pakistan’s slide into chaos.

When a democratic experiment gains traction, as in Bangladesh under Sheikh Hasina, it crimps the extremists’ room for maneuver. But a broader lesson in much of the region is that democratic progress remains reversible unless the old, entrenched forces are ousted and the rule of law is firmly established.

For example, the Maldives’ 2008 democratic election, which swept away decades-old authoritarian rule, became a beacon of hope, which then dissipated in less than four years. As the freshly deposed Nasheed put it, “Dictatorships don’t always die when the dictator leaves office … [L]ong after the revolutions, powerful networks of regime loyalists can remain behind and can attempt to strangle their nascent democracies.”

As its tyranny of geography puts greater pressure on its external and internal security, India will need to develop more innovative approaches to diplomacy and national defense. Only through more vigorous defense and foreign policies can India hope to ameliorate its regional-security situation, freeing it to play a larger global role. Otherwise, it will continue to be weighed down by its region.

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Comment: Maldives 1984

Like Orwell’s 1984 society in which people ‘could be made to accept the most flagrant violations of reality, because they never fully grasped the enormity of what was demanded of them,’ a large chunk of Maldivian society remains convinced that what happened on 7 February is nothing more than the replacement of one leader by another.

People are not wholly to blame for failing to recognise the ongoing authoritarian reversal for what it is. The new-old regime’s propaganda apparatus is a force to be reckoned with; at least in terms of audacity, if not professionalism.

It is clear, from the armed takeover of state broadcaster MNBC One by rogue police early on 7 February to the shutting down of stream.mv on Friday and the continuing efforts to revoke Raajje TV’s permission to broadcast nationwide, that using propaganda as a totalitarian state uses the bludgeon is a key strategy in the plans for regime change.

No facts, only interpretations

The only message the new-old regime allows in the media is: ‘what happened on 7 February is a good thing.’ Thus, Mohamed Nazim, Abdulla Riyaz and Mohamed Fayaz, the three civilians with no status, rank or right, who commandeered the country’s security forces and enabled their mutiny against the Commander in Chief become not traitors but heroes. Nazim is on video, Fayaz standing beside him, announcing his success in forcing the country’s first democratically elected president to ‘resign unconditionally.’ What law of the land sanctions such an act? Yet, their treason is valorised as patriotism. Nazim becomes Defence Minister, Abdulla Riyaz Police Commissioner, and Mohamed Fayaz Minister of State for Home Affairs. If the new-old regime is to be believed, these three men are the Three Brothers Utheemu reincarnated.

Mainstream media are glad to take up the theme. Here’s how Haveeru newspaper introduced Mohamed [Thakurufaanu] Nazim in a recent article: ‘Nazim, who played a lead role controlling and establishing order in the confrontation between police and military before President Nasheed’s resignation.’

In case rogue elements of the media refuse to convey the message as packaged, Nazim has taken it upon himself to explain his uncontrollable acts of ‘altruism’ via a personal blog. It is a fascinating world where has-been soldiers taking control of a country’s armed forces becomes ‘answering the call of duty’, and astrological signs are rendered vital for discerning a serviceman’s calibre. Nazim, people should be glad to know, is a Pisces. In the Maldives of 1984, knowing the country’s armed forces are in the hands of a patriotic peace-loving fish is all the reassurance people need that everything is all right.

Comical Ali comeback?

Adding to the surrealism is Dr President Mohamed Waheed’s increasing resemblance to Saddam Hussein’s Information Minister Mohammed Saeed al-Sahhaf, or Comical Ali, as he came to be known in 2003. As al-Sahhaf continued to deny American troops were in Baghdad even as they were clearly visible behind him, Dr Waheed denies any knowledge of a coup even as evidence of it circulates freely around him.

Beginning with the classic: ‘Do I look like someone who would carry out a coup?’ Dr Waheed’s protestations of innocence – and his actions – have only become increasingly incredible and inherently contradictory with time. He says he was not party to the coup, but there is an unbroken chain of evidence linking him to its planning, at least from 31 January onwards.

Then there’s the diplomatic doublespeak. Indian mediators left the Maldives mid-February with the impression there will be ‘discussions with all relevant parties to conduct elections by an early date’, but Dr Waheed’s office has since made clear Delhi was mistaken. All calls for early elections since, from all international actors, have been met with muted consent that translates into non-action at home.

When the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) suspended the Maldives until the outcome of an enquiry, Dr Waheed’s ministers told Maldivians no such thing happened. CMAG did not use the word ‘suspend’. It said the Maldives was being ‘held in abeyance’. For the layman, a small sidestep in vocabulary, for Dr Waheed’s government, a giant leap in interpretation.

When CMAG suggested international involvement in investigating the events of 7 February, Dr Waheed said he had already established such an ‘independent’ commission (with members of the old-new regime) for the purpose. Only it could decide whether international mediation was required or not.

On Thursday, Dr Waheed made such a mechanism redundant by announcing he, and his defence minister, already knew exactly who was behind it all: Allah.

Since then, it seems as if a new persona has taken over Dr Waheed. Where he was diffident before, he now pumps his fists in the air with anger and pelvis pumps in front of thousands. He is not only happy to share a stage with Gasim Ibrahim, Thasmeen Ali and Abdulla Yameen, opposition leaders whom many have accused of playing a pivotal role in the events of 7 February, but welcomes them with open arms and unhesitatingly hugs them close, pot-belly to pot-belly.

Where he once kept his faith to himself he now appears intoxicated by the same opium of the masses that has made his supporters so pliable. ‘This change in government is Allah’s will!’ he shouted on Friday. ‘A blessed triumph!’ And verily the pious were persuaded. They flocked to the sea to perform their ablutions and dropped to their knees in prayer then and there. It was as if by some miracle the tap water in Male’ suddenly ran dry, and the doors of all mosques all of a sudden jammed shut. And, from atop the mountain of love that grew for him among the supplicating people, Dr Waheed delivered unto them a special message—fear not beloved Maldivians, for blessed is this government of mine.

Lies, damn lies and statistics

Now that the strength of the dollar and military might have been ruled out as culprits and divine right confirmed as solely responsible for the ‘inevitable’ events of 7 February, what remains between facts and the ‘truth’ of the new-old regime are those refusing to surrender their right to choose their leader.

Thus began the numbers game—how many people want us and how many want them? There is a time-honoured instrument with which to accurately count how many people want a particular leader. It is called a ballot box. In the Maldives of 1984, however, where democracy is but another name for oligarchy, there is a new way of garnering how much support a leader has.

Watch the gatherings of those who demand democracy, estimate the daily crowd, and gather together—by whatever means available—a comparative number. This can be done by appealing to all who want ‘anything but democracy’ and may include supporters of theocracy, autocracy, monarchy, plutocracy, anarchy, etc and those who could not care less. Pen them all into a small area, take photographs using angles and lenses which best exaggerate crowd density, and compare with pictures (preferably taken when crowds are at their thinnest) of those who want democracy. For best results, enhance digitally. When doing an overall head count, if the numbers are less, add or delete a zero or two at the end as required. And there it is: Dr Waheed’s support is bigger than Nasheed’s. Ergo, Dr Waheed’s government is legitimate.

A coup? What coup? Since when was a coup necessary to bring about a divinely ordained government supported by the majority?

Azra Naseem holds a doctorate in International Relations.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Male’s day of protests: Islam and women key themes

Hundreds of women marched across the Maldives’ capital Male’ in support of deposed President Mohamed Nasheed, before joining the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) rally near the tsunami monument in its call for early elections.

Meanwhile just several hundred metres up the road at the artificial beach, thousands more pro-government supporters showed up to demonstrate their support for President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik.

Artificial Beach and Tsunami monument – both key venues for political gatherings – are situated on Boduthakurufaanu Magu [eastern coast of Male’].

Both rallies began at 4:00pm on Male’s and proceeded peacefully with speeches from key members, while the MDP women’s march, “Women’s rally for justice” kicked off from the Social Centre of the other side of the city at 4.30pm.

Minivan News observed many people walking between both rallies and taking pictures, as the sounds of both crowds overlapped. Only a few policemen were seen maintaining the traffic and security.

Though specific numbers on each side were difficult to ascertain, at its beginning the pro-government crowd waving national flags and banners seemed larger with around 5000 supporters – while the MDP rally slowly grew and eventually dominated as more marchers in yellow joined the rally, raising the numbers to perhaps 8,000 at the peak of the demonstrations.

At the time of press, both rallies continued.

“Maldivian women will bring down Tyrant Waheed”

Women's ready for march at Social Center

Maldivian women of all ages, dressed mostly in yellow and waved yellow flags and banners bearing slogans including – “Where is my vote?”, “We demand Justice”, “Say no to Waheed”, “We demand a date for election” and “Let Democracy rule” – marched from main road, Majeedhee Magu and took couple of careful turns to reach the MDP rally without a confrontation with pro-government supporters near Artificial Beach.

In the front row, former MDP Chairperson Mariya Ahmed Didi, former Education Minister Shifa Mohamed and former Tourism Minister Mariyam Zulfa led the female Marchers that stretched nearly 20 meters.

Dozens of men also joined the march, while several others followed the march on motor bikes and cars, as eager onlookers watched and took pictures from the buildings.

Throughout the walk, the women chanted: “Tyrant Waheed, Resign” – a reference to the accusations that Waheed, then- Vice President was complicit in what MDP calls a bloodless coup to force his predecessor, Nasheed out of office.

Speaking to Minivan News, a 34 year old mother of three who came to Male’ from Addu to join the march said that “I did not vote for Waheed, I voted for Anni [Nasheed].”

“We, the women, will show Waheed that he can’t play with our country. Tyrant Waheed has no right to depose the president we voted for,” the woman added, holding a banner that said “We want an elected leader”.

As the female marchers arrived at the tsunami monument they were welcomed fervently by Nasheed and his supporters.

MDP rally near Tsunami monument

Addressing the crowd on the mounted podium, Mariya called out emphatically that “Maldivian women will bring down Tyrant Waheed”.

“The only woman who will stand with Waheed is Ilham [Waheed’s wife and first lady],” she further claimed.

Referring to the brutal crackdown of MDP’s peaceful March on February 8, where women and old were seen beaten by the police, Mariya warned : “Now come with your shields to beat us. But, remember, if you hit even one woman, that is represents a strike on all Maldivian women.”

Nasheed also made a brief speech in which he praised the strength of the women who joined the rally and called out, “Congratulations, Maldivian Women!”

Nasheed further stressed, “Maldivian people want an elected leader, people want early elections”.

Allah’s will”

Aerial shot of the pro government rally

At the protest at the artificial beach up the road, men and women were segregated and gathered to hear Dr Waheed give his first open air speech at a political demonstration as President.

Dr Waheed made an emphatic speech in which he claimed the “people inflicting chaos are real traitors and enemies of the nation”.

“We will not let anyone inflict unrest and violence. Anyone who loves this nation will not torch public property. We will defend this nation with the last drop of our blood. We are not scared to die for this cause,” Waheed said. “Be strong. We will not back down an inch.”

Reiterating that the change of power was not a coup, Waheed claimed, “Today this change has happened because it is the will of Allah to protect Islam and peace of this nation”.

He added that it was every government’s responsibility to provide education and housing for its people, and said he would fulfill those responsibilities.

Surprised observers noted that Dr Waheed, normally of a calm and softly spoken demeanor, spoke loudly and emphatically with a touch of anger.

Meanwhile,in an audio recording broadcast at the rally, former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom pledged that the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) would cooperate with Waheed, and congratulated the MDP for joining the all party talks.

“The day the Maldives embraced Islam is the most important day in the history of our country. History proves the introduction of any other religion in this nation could endanger our sovereignty,” Gayoom added.

Further, several speakers from various religious and political parties in Dr Waheed’s national unity government exhibited their support for coalition government and refusal to hold early elections. The crowds waving national flags and banners bearing  slogans including “Maldivians in defense of Islam”, “Maldivians united against corruption”, “Support Dr Waheed for peace and Islam” and “No early elections” hailed “Long live Waheed”.

MDP women’s march:

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‘Coup of opportunity’ derails Maldivian democracy: Reuters

It was an ordinary blue felt pen, and not a bullet, that killed Mohamed Nasheed’s term as the first democratically elected president of the Maldives, writes Bryson Hull for Reuters.

“After rising to acclaim as a champion of democracy and action against climate change, Nasheed is now back on the streets where he led a nearly two-decade campaign to bring full democracy to an archipelago ruled more like a sultanate.

A Reuters investigation, drawing on more than a dozen interviews including with witnesses who have not spoken out before, reveals a coup of opportunity that capitalised on opposition discontent, political missteps and police and troops loyal to the old order.

Nasheed says a cabal of former regime strongmen conspired with opposition leaders to force him to make a choice: resign in two hours, or face the introduction of live ammunition into a duel between loyal and rebelling security forces, then only being fought with batons and rubber bullets.

“The generals were in league with the mutinous police,” Nasheed said at a recent news conference, acknowledging that he had erred in not clearing out officers loyal to Gayoom.

“We never did a purge of the military. We have a history of murdering our former leaders and I wanted to change that.”

Even as the Commonwealth urges an investigation and new President Waheed has proposed a presidential commission to investigate his own ascendancy, military leaders have taken no chances.

They have emptied the four armories around Male and put the weapons inside the MNDF headquarters after some tense squabbles between factions inside the forces, three sources told Reuters.

This week, the criminal court threw out several graft cases against opposition figures, a sign of the old impunity provided by a pliable and poorly educated judiciary.

Nasheed’s supporters remain on the streets in peaceful protest, demanding an election be held before it is due in October 2013, which the new president has said he will do if the conditions are right.

“I think it is important that democracy be upheld there, and there is concern that the president (Waheed) might find himself heavily influenced by the previous Gayoom regime,” a diplomat from a Commonwealth country told Reuters.

“There must be no return to the pre-2008 days. The importance of the early elections it to ensure there is a clear democratic mandate.”

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