Dr Hassan Saeed – Page 2 – Minivan News

President Waheed “most patient, just and capable” among candidates: Dr Hassan Saeed

Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP) Leader Dr Hassan Saeed has said he believes President Mohamed Waheed is the only presidential candidate who has the required “patience and drive” to work alongside people with differing views.

The recent comments by Saeed – who currently serves as Special Advisor to President Waheed – were made the same month the DQP formally entered into a coalition with the President’s own Gaumee Iththihaadh Party (GIP) ahead of elections scheduled for September 7 this year.

Both the DQP and GIP are small political parties currently facing potential dissolution for lacking the minimum requirement of 10,000 members as stipulated in the recently passed Political Parties Act.

Speaking to local newspaper Haveeru on Sunday (April 14), Saeed said that President Waheed was the most “academically qualified” candidate.

“He stands even far taller when you compare his international experience and experience in government than any of the candidates. So if you look at it in any angle, this man is far more capable than all of the remaining candidates,” he said.

Despite the remarks, in February 2012, in a leaked audio clip, Saeed was heard describing President Waheed as “politically the weakest person in the Maldives” .

In the audio clip, he also went onto mock the size of the GIP’s support base, claiming at the time that the party’s only members were “Dr Waheed and the wife, that Ahmed ‘Topy’ Thaufeeg, [Secretary General of the GIP] and Waheed’s secretary at the President’s Office”.

Dr Saeed was not responding to calls at time of press when contacted by Minivan News.

Saeed – who was himself a presidential candidate in 2008 and ended the race at third position with 16 percent of the popular vote – claimed that there was a high possibility that many other government-aligned parties would follow the DQP in joining President Waheed’s coalition.

Saeed said these parties could include the government-aligned Jumhoree Party (JP) of business tycoon MP Gasim Ibrahim, Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) and the Maldivian Development Alliance (MDA), led by tourism magnate MP Ahmed ‘Sun Travel’ Shiyam.

Gasim and DRP Leader Ahmed Thasmeen Ali are both presidential candidates for their respective parties.

The religious conservative Adhaalath Party has also publicly pledged its support to President Waheed, last month announcing plans to form a coalition with the GIP.

Saeed claimed that all political parties, except the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), were welcome to join the coalition.

He claimed that should such an alliance find an agreement on a common ideology, then it could possibly “change the face of Maldivian politics”.

Giving his reasons why the door was closed for the MDP – the largest political party in the country – Saeed claimed that party’s presidential candidate, Mohamed Nasheed, was not a person who had the capacity to work in a coalition government since he always had problems in “digesting opposing views”.

“Chasing and slowing down”

Saeed claimed that the former president’s “impatience” would not allow him to work in a coalition government, adding that the “science of making a coalition government work” required patience and tolerance.

“One cannot simply run at the pace he wants to,” he said. “A coalition partner would always chase the president and slow him down, should he take such a pace. There should always be an environment for dialogue. [In a coalition,] one cannot simply take a wrong way and jump into the sea. Likewise, you cannot go in the right direction as fast as you want. But in general, a coalition government would always be heading in the right direction. Nasheed cannot be like that,”

The MDP previously said that it would not look to form a coalition ahead of elections this year. However, Saeed claimed by contract, that there was no political party interested in forming an alliance with the main opposition party of the country.

“[The MDP] are only getting the opportunity to work in a coalition within the parliament. Therefore, MDP is seen to work in collaboration with other parties in parliament. They don’t have a problem working as a coalition in parliament. But outside the parliament, they keep saying that they do not want a coalition. This is because, they really don’t have anyone to form a coalition with,” he said.

Speaking during a recent party gathering, former President Nasheed stated that leaders of various political parties had learned “bitter lessons” over the difficulties of running a government by sharing cabinet positions among different political parties over the last four years.

“A cabinet in which one minister belongs to this party and another belongs to that party, cannot run a government,” he said. “I want the people of this country to remember that, when there is word of coalition, it means of forming a weak government.”

Meanwhile, Chairperson of the MDP, MP Moosa ‘Reeko’ Manik echoed similar sentiments claiming that the MDP could not work with political parties demanding political positions as a pre-condition of any alliance.

“There is no place in the MDP for those who come to us and demand a package of four cabinet positions, 12 judges, three warehouses and the Maldives Monetary Authority (MMA). But it doesn’t mean all doors are closed for those parties interested in working under a common political ideology,” Manik said at the rally.

Political weight

Saeed this month also criticised former President Gayoom’s Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM). The PPM is fielding Gayoom’s half brother MP Abdulla Yameen as its presidential candidate. Saeed claimed that even Yameen should be backing President Waheed instead of the other way round.

Dr Saeed alleged that Yameen was a candidate who was too “hard to sell” to the public, claiming there remain a number of unpleasant “characteristics” that came to the minds of voters about him.

“Yameen will face the anger of anyone who hated Gayoom’s 30 years [in power]. Yameen will get the hatred of every person who was tortured during Gayoom’s time. He would not get the support of anyone who wished to leave the past. Even the person who wishes to support Yameen would hate him because Gayoom is right beside him,” he told Haveeru.

“There are a lot of people who hate dynastic rule. A lot of businessmen also suffered during Yameen’s tenure as the trade minister. So they would have a hard time to back him.”

Saeed’s remarks in local media were met with harsh criticism from PPM MP Shifag Mufeed, who described the DQP leader as someone that lacked any political weight.

“The Maldives has two political ideologies. It is that of former President Gayoom’s ideology and that of former President Nasheed’s. Though he says that no one would join those two ideologies, Dr Hassan Saeed himself must know that he does not even have the weight of a wheat grain in Maldivian politics,” Mufeed said in parliament yesterday (April 15).

Shifag also slammed the government of President Waheed, claiming that a bill proposed to parliament on increasing an existing Airport Service Charge was an attempt by the government to recklessly increase its income so that it could be utilized in “fooling people” to vote for him.

The PPM and DQP are both members of President Waheed’s national unity government.

Saeed’s election history

After facing defeat in the first round of the 2008 presidential elections, Saeed publicly announced unconditional support to the MDP candidate Mohamed Nasheed during the subsequent run-off election.

Once Nasheed was elected president, the MDP alleged that Saeed took a U-turn on his own unconditional backing and had demanded several cabinet portfolios for his supporters.

Saeed was later appointed as the special advisor to the president – a cabinet minister level position – in the new government. Meanwhile, Saeed’s running mate, Dr Ahmed Shaheed, was appointed as the Foreign Minister and current Home Minister Mohamed Jameel Ahmed was given the cabinet portfolio of Communication and Civil Aviation.

However, following a falling off with Nasheed, Saeed left the government claiming that his “diligent” advice was not considered by the former president. Later, Jameel was sacked from the government and Shaheed joined forces the MDP.

Leaving the government, Saeed and his fellow party colleague Jameel quickly turned against former President Nasheed and became outspoken critics of his administration.

‘Hate-pamphlet’ scandal

In January 2012, just a few days before the controversial fall of Nasheed, DQP released a 30-page pamphlet accusing Nasheed’s government of working under the influence of “Jews” and “Christian priests” to weaken Islam in the Maldives.

“When the Nasheed administration established diplomatic relations with the biggest enemy of Islam [Israel], the government agreed to change the school curriculum and teach our small children about the goodness of Jews,” read the pamphlet. “The Jew’s plan and way of thinking is to divide Islamic countries.”

The Nasheed administration denied the allegations and claimed that the pamphlet was filled with “extremist, bigoted and hate-filled rhetoric” intended to incite hatred among public towards the government.

Following President Waheed’s controversial ascension to power on February 7, 2012, Saeed was reappointed as the Special Advisor for the President while his colleague Jameel was given the position of Home Minister.

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President’s special advisor may seek invalidation of political parties bill

Special Advisor to President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik and Leader of government-aligned Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP) Dr Hassan Saeed has warned that he would seek to invalidate the recently approved political parties bill if it is ratified.

Dr Saeed told local media that the bill infringed rights enshrined in the constitution and that he would file a case at the Supreme Court requesting the law be struck down.

The DQP, according to latest statistics by the Elections Commission, has a membership of just 2,099. Dr Saeed told local newspaper Haveeru that he opposed changes in the bill requiring any political party to have a minimum of 10,000 members.

Dr Saeed argued that requiring a specific number of members to register a political party violated the constitutional right to form political parties.

“While it is a constitutional right for anybody to form political parties, I do also believe that a right could be limited through legislation. But such a limit should be placed in accordance to principles justified in other free and democratic societies. The current bill demanding a certain membership size in order for a political party to be registered is a big problem,” he told Haveeru.

Article 30(a) of the constitution states: “Every citizen has the right to establish and to participate in the activities of political parties.”

Dr Saeed publicly urged President Waheed not to ratify the bill. He added that any decision by President Waheed was expected to be made after consultations with the Attorney General.

Dr Saeed was not responding to calls at time of press.

Speaking to Minivan News, Ibrahim ‘Ibra’ Ismail, Chairman of the drafting committee of the Constitutional Assembly that passed the current constitution, echoed similar sentiments towards the bill.

“The bill clearly violates three to four key fundamental constitutional rights, including that of freedom of association, right to acquire and sell property. In short, I see this as a very undemocratic bill,” he said.

Ibra also added that in other democratic societies, political parties were not so strictly regulated, instead being given greater flexibility.

“When major political power brokers decide to regulate political parties, it is highly unlikely it would be carried out in a fair and just way. I believe even two people can go to the Elections Commission and register a party. People would start supporting them based on their success,” he added.

The landmark bill

The bill in concern was proposed on behalf of the government during former President Mohamed Nasheed’s administration. It was submitted by Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) MP Ahmed Abdulla in April 2011.

The bill received strong bipartisan support and was passed with 64 votes in favor while only four MPs voted against it.

If ratified and signed into law, the bill will provide a three month period for any political party with fewer than 10,000 members to reach the required amount or face being dissolved.

Of the 16 parties currently in existence, only four have more than 10,000 registered members, including the opposition MDP as well as the government-aligned Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP), Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) and Jumhooree Party (JP).

The religious conservative Adhaalath Party (AP) has 5,708 members, down from over 6,000 in February this year while President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik’s Gaumee Ihthihaad Party (GIP) has 3,427 members.

The bill had been severely criticised over the last week by smaller parties including the Adhaalath Party, which claimed that the bill was designed to “eradicate” Islamic ideology from the country.

“The bill is practical”

However, opposition MDP MP Hamid Ghafoor has dismissed accusations that the bill was unconstitutional, claiming it was not the first piece of legislation passed by the Majlis perceived to limit a constitutional right.

“The freedom of expression bill was passed too, which placed limitations on the constitutional right of freedom of expression. So this is not a new precedent,” he said.

“The bill was passed by a very strong majority. The parliament has political parties of different sizes. So when a parliament consisting of several political parties approves the bill, it is the moral say of all the political parties,” he added.

According to Ghafoor, the passing of the bill could be viewed in one of two ways; either in an idealist view or a practical view. He argued that the bill was practical and intended to end the current “corrupt process” of funding political parties that were not at all active.

“Are we to allow such a corrupt process to go on in the name of democracy?” Ghafoor questioned.

“We are not worried”: President Waheed’s GIP

President Waheed’s GIP has said that they are not worried about the consequences the party may face in failing to gain 10,000 members.

Speaking to local media from Malaysia, GIP Deputy Leader Mohamed ‘Nazaki’ Zaki said that panicking at this point in time may hinder the party in boosting membership numbers.

“To be honest, we do not have any concerns at all. We are confident that we can gain a membership much larger than [10,000 members]. We can achieve that result. We know what percentage of people is currently affiliated with political parties. About 40 to 60 percent people are yet to join political parties,” he was reported as saying.

“Our focus is towards that percentage of people who are currently not affiliated with political parties” he added.

The former High Commissioner to Malaysia said that, based on the support his party received from recent visits to Addu City and several other atolls including Shaviyani Atoll, Laamu Atoll and Raa atoll, he was confident of a successful membership drive.

“Not just large parties, it is equally important to have smaller political parties. Just because two major power brokers decide that the country was better off without smaller political parties does little good to the well being of the country’s democracy,” he said.

“Even in other democratic countries, we do not see a trend to destroy smaller political parties. We as a smaller party have on previous occasions proved that we can bring results, and I don’t see any reason why we can’t do so in the future.”

Zaki claimed that some smaller parties were lobbying President Waheed to not to ratify the bill but maintained that his party is yet to decide on whether to make such a move.

“We have not yet decided on [lobbying President]. But we will hold a council meeting next week. In that meeting we will discuss this issue as wall and after that we would decide on it,” he added.

Political parties were first authorised in the Maldives in May 2005 following an executive decree by then-President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom. Prior to the passage of the landmark legislation, political parties were governed by a regulation.

The regulation required 3,000 members for registration and did not stipulate that parties whose membership falls below the figure would be dissolved. However, no political party has been dissolved over the last eight years.

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Annulling GMR agreement “only option for reclaiming airport”: Dr Hassan Saeed

The only option for “reclaiming the airport from GMR” is to invalidate or cancel the concession agreement with the Indian infrastructure giant, argues Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP) Leader and Special Advisor to the President, Dr Hassan Saeed, in a new book (Dhivehi) released on Monday.

The book, titled: “Loss and challenges of the long-term leasing of Male’ international airport to GMR” was launched at a ceremony on Monday at the government-aligned private broadcaster DhiTV by Home Minister Dr Mohamed Jameel Ahmed, deputy leader of the DQP.

The booklet covers various issues surrounding the concession agreement awarding management and development of the international airport to a consortium of GMR Infrastructure Limited and Malaysia Airports Holdings Berhad (MAHB), alleged purported national security threats, economic and financial damages and undue advantages for the consortium.

Speaking at the book launching ceremony, Home Minister Jameel said it was the duty of the most capable people in the country to step forward and help “liberate” the nation from “grave problems” during the current “difficult times”.

Jameel claimed the former DQP presidential candidate’s book would reveal a number of facts that the Maldivian people were unaware of before the signing of the agreement.

The Home Minister added that he hoped ongoing efforts by the coalition of parties supporting the current government would yield results.

Dr Hassan Saeed was not responding to calls by Minivan News at time of press.

In his book, Saeed laid out three choices for the government: continuing the agreement in its current form, resolving disputes through dialogue or invalidating the agreement.

The DQP leader contended that cancelling the agreement and nationalising the airport would be the beneficial course of action for the nation.

“There is little hope that GMR would implement changes brought to the agreement through dialogue,” Saeed wrote. “GMR will change what is written in the agreement in black and white any time it pleases. For example, although the agreement states that 27 percent of from oil revenue must be paid to the state, it has been changed. GMR knows very well the skill to change the minds of the government of the day and its senior officials.”

Saeed further claimed that the concession agreement posed dangers to national security, in addition to being contrary to public interest and violating the constitution, the Public Finance Act and the Companies Act.

If the airport was not nationalised in the near future, since all parties in the ruling coalition opposed the deal, Saeed argued that the presidential election in 2013 would become “a referendum” on annulling the agreement.

Saeed claimed that GMR would donate large sums of money to parties in favour of keeping the agreement in place.

Conceding that cancelling the agreement would strain relations with India, Saeed contended that the move would be beneficial in the long-term to both countries.

Saeed compared cancelling the deal to “taking bitter medicine to cure a disease” or “amputating an organ to stop the spread of cancer.”

The book also likened GMR to the Indian Borah traders expelled from the Maldives by former President Ibrahim Nasir.

IFC role

Meanwhile, in June this year, a delegation from the International Finance Corporation (IFC) – a member of the World Bank group and the largest global institution focused on the private sector in developing countries – met with senior government officials to address concerns over the concession agreement.

On the bidding process, which was organised by the IFC and “evaluated based on the payment of an upfront fee as well as annual concession fees as a percentage of gross revenues to the government”, a document by the organisation explained that, “Each bidder was required to demonstrate that it had the requisite experience in developing, designing, constructing, operating, and financing airports of a similar size.

“The technical solutions proposed by the bidders were also expected to consider the specific conditions on Hulhulé Island, including its physical and environmental constraints, and the coordination required between conventional aviation activities, seaplanes, and motor boats.

“The cornerstone of the project was the construction of a new passenger terminal expected to meet LEED silver criteria and to be carbonneutral—i.e., to minimize energy consumption and carbon emissions through the use of energy-efficiency and renewable-energy technologies, and minimize water consumption. The bidders were also asked to make specific, predefined improvements to the existing airport infrastructure, and to manage all core airport services, including the provision of fuel—a historically established role at Malé airport.”

However, in early September, the government accused the IFC of negligence during the bidding process for INIA – allegations there were rejected by the organisation amidst continued calls from government-aligned parties to renationalise the airport.

Both the government and GMR are presently involved in an arbitration case in Singapore over the airport development.

Previous publications

In August, Dr Hassan Saeed released a book in English entitled, “Democracy betrayed: behind the mask of the island President”.

Speaking to local media at the book’s launch at the studios of private broadcaster Villa Television (VTV), DQP Secretary General Abdullah Ameen said the book detailed reasons why former President Nasheed had to resign on February 7.

Ameen added that the reasons mentioned in the book included the controversial detention of Criminal Court Chief Judge Abdulla Mohamed and allegations that Nasheed wished to “destroy the values of Islam” in the country.

In the months leading up to the controversial transfer of power on February 7, the DQP published a pamphlet titled ‘President Nasheed’s devious plot to destroy the Islamic faith of Maldivians’.

In an interview with UK’s the Guardian newspaper recently, Saeed said the charges were justified. “You look at his behaviour, his actions, you have to come to that conclusion,” Saeed said.

The Nasheed administration had slammed the publication at the time for containing “extremist, bigoted and hate-filled rhetoric”. The pamphlet and religious-based allegations also led to successive attempts by the Nasheed administration to arrest two senior members of the party and sparked a debate on freedom of expression and hate speech in the Maldives.

Saeed was also a co-author of the book Freedom of Religion, Apostasy and Islam, which discussed the issue of apostasy in Islam and stirred controversy during the 2008 presidential election.

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CMAG delays decision on Maldives

Following its teleconference yesterday, the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) has delayed its decision on the Maldives’ potential removal from its investigative agenda until its next meeting on September 28.

Yesterday’s meeting was attended by all member countries, as well as the Commonwealth Secretary General Kamalesh Sharma and Special Envoy to the Maldives Sir Donald McKinnon, who had visited country earlier this week.

President’s Office Spokesman Masood Imad expressed confidence that the country would be taken off the agenda at the next meeting, saying that this move had been supported by all but one of those present for the teleconference.

“We have given in to all their demands. CMAG has been so much a part of our lives that we wanted to get out of it,” said Masood.

However, former Foreign Minister and current UN Special Rapporteur to Iran, Dr Ahmed Shaheed said that the Maldives’ removal from the agenda would be “a travesty”, given the government’s “reprehensible actions” following the CNI’s release.

“Things are not going well in the Maldives – the government is intent on persecuting Nasheed and the MDP (Maldivian Democratic Party)”, he added. “They seem hell bent on repressing the people.”

There have been strong calls from within the government for the country to be removed from the agenda after the Commonwealth’s approval of Commission of National Inquiry (CNI) which appeared to absolve government figures of any wrongdoing in the resignation of former President Mohamed Nasheed in February.

The release of the report was initially welcomed by a members of the international community, including, the EU, the United States, India, and the UN as well the Commonwealth itself.

“There was an expectation from the government that CMAG would rubber stamp the CNI report – this is far from realistic” said Shaheed, who suggested that these groups were welcoming the report’s release without necessarily welcoming the findings.

Observers representing the UN and the Commonwealth praised the independence and professionalism of the report.

CMAG placed the country on its formal agenda in February after it expressed its concerns over the precise nature of Nasheed’s resignation.

A member of CMAG itself, the Maldives was subsequently suspended from the group.

Local media yesterday reported that an emergency meeting of the cabinet had been called yesterday, although no details of the meeting had been revealed.

Today, Masood explained that the cabinet meeting was called simply to prepare for the CMAG’s anticipated decision.

“It is normal procedure to be prepared in this way, “ he explained.

Prominent members of the government, including State Minister for Foreign Affairs Dunya Maumoon, as well as Special Advisor to the President Dr Hassan Saeed have suggested that the Maldives may leave the Commonwealth should it not be removed from the CMAG agenda.

“I would now argue that if CMAG does not remove the Maldives from its agenda in its next teleconference on 11th of this month, we should end our relationship with the Commonwealth and look to other relationships that reflect modern realities of the world,” said Saeed in an article written for local newspaper Haveeru.

Dr Hassan was not responding to calls at the time of press.

Home Minister Mohamed Jameel Ahmed, told Minivan News earlier this week that Commonwealth should refrain from dictating the country’s national priorities.

“We appreciate their engagement, but [the Commonwealth] should also recognise our need to move forward and allow us to find local solutions to local problems,” said Jameel

In a statement sent to CMAG in preparation for the teleconference, the government maintained that the Maldives should be removed from the agenda, and that it should not have been placed on it in the first place.

“There is simply no justification for keeping the Maldives on the [CMAG] agenda,” read the statement, which went on to list reasons in support of its removal.

The reasons given, other than the apparent exoneration of the government by the CNI report, included its commitment to investigate issues of police brutality, the atmosphere of relative calm currently prevailing in the capital, and the detrimental effect being on the CMAG agenda was having on tourism and foreign investment.

The statement did, however, make mention of the government’s interest in expanding cooperations with the Commonwealth, particularly along the lines of strengthening institutions and “cultivating democratic values in the society.”

Shaheed today insisted that there was ample scope for the country to be kept on the agenda, drawing attention to CMAG’s revised mandate of October 2011, which he noted was championed by Nasheed himself.

“The revised mandate is not so much a punishment for countries but a safeguard for the people,” he said.

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Government urges CMAG to remove Maldives from agenda

The government has sent a statement to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group’s (CMAG) demanding its removal from the group’s agenda, ahead of its teleconference this Tuesday (August 11).

In the statement, dated September 7, the government argues that there remains “simply no justification for keeping the Maldives on the [CMAG] agenda”.

The CMAG had placed the Maldives on its formal agenda in February although President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan’s government has maintained that the group “lacked the mandate” to to so.

Waheed’s government also spent £75,000 (MVR 1.81 million) on advice from former UK Attorney General and member of the House of Lords, Baroness Patricia Scotland, in a bid to challenge what they deemed was the Commonwealth’s “biased” stance on the Maldives, and has continued to express disapproval at what it terms “interference” by the Commonwealth.

The government’s statement offers five reasons in support of its removal from the CMAG agenda.

Firstly, the government pointed out that the recently completed Commission of National Inquiry (CNI) had found no legal issues surrounding the transfer of power, adding that its international observers had hailed the report as “exemplary.”

The publication of the CNI was closely followed by an independent legal analysis which has raised serious doubts over the credibility of the CNI’s findings.

The teleconference statement added that former President Mohamed Nasheed had also welcomed the report, “though with some caveats”.

The most notable of the caveats mentioned by Nasheed was that the report left the country in a “comical” situation “where toppling the government by brute force is taken to be a reasonable course of action.”

Secondly, the government reasons that the CNI’s findings of police brutality are already being acted upon by the relevant independent institutions – the Police Integrity Commission (PIC), the Human Rights Commission (HRCM) and the Prosecutor General (PG).

The onus placed on these institutions since the release of the report has again raised doubts as to their ability to handle these politically sensitive investigations.

However, the fourth reason cited for the removal from CMAG’s agenda was the government’s willingness to expand cooperation with the Commonwealth in order to strengthen the institutional infrastructure.

This willingness to enhance relations with the Commonwealth appears at odds with the apparent enmity shown by senior figures towards the organisation since the CNI’s release.

Both Dunya Maumoon, State Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Dr Hassan Saeed, Special Advisor to the President, have publicly argued that the Maldives had been treated unfairly, suggesting that the country should leave the organisation should it not be removed from the CMAG agenda without delay.

“Should the Maldives continue to be kept on the CMAG agenda, I have to say that there are a lot of citizens and very senior members of the government who have many serious concerns regarding whether the Maldives will stay on as a member of the Commonwealth,” Dunya told the press last Thursday.

Dr Hassan launched a scathing attack in a comment piece for local newspaper Haveeru, in which he argued that the Maldives had received “third class justice” from the Commonwealth.

“It is my belief that the Commonwealth and its institutions have treated us very badly,” wrote Dr Hassan.

President’s Office Spokesman Abbas Adil Riza was reported in local media today as saying that he does not feel CMAG should intervene in any future challenges the country faces.

When discussing the current visit of Commonwealth Special Envoy Sir Donald McKinnon, Abbas said he felt this would be McKinnon’s last visit to the country.

The third reason listed by the government in its statement to CMAG argues that calm had been maintained “despite some serious efforts by the opposition to create unrest.”

Although there was widespread anticipation of unrest before the release of the CNI with Nasheed at one point calling for his supporters to “topple the government”, the demonstrations surrounding the report’s release were not accompanied by a notable increase in violence.

The presence of international news crews in anticipation of unrest did, however, did lead to greater coverage of the ensuing protests.

The statement also mentions the initiation of the ‘Leader’s Dialogue’ talks which it claims will focus discussion on practical issues such as legislation which will ensure elections next year can be held freely and fairly.

Finally, the government argues that the stigma of remaining on the CMAG agenda is negatively affecting foreign investment and tourism in the country.

“The Maldives, which is one of the smallest countries in the Commonwealth, is experiencing difficulties in finalising foreign investment projects, and in some cases, concessional loan financing, as well as a drop in tourist arrivals into the country as a result of being on the CMAG agenda,” read the statement.

Ministry of Tourism figures show that this year’s tourist arrivals had grown just 2.8 percent compared to the same period in 2011. Figures for 2011, however, showed growth of 17.6 percent compared with 2010’s arrivals.

President Waheed travelled to China last week where he finalised agreements for a US$500 million loan (MVR7.7billion).

“It is therefore time that the Maldives is removed from the formal agenda of the CMAG and allow the government to focus on what it is expected to do; cultivating and nurturing democracy in the Maldivian society,” concludes the statement.

“After all, in democracies, governments are answerable to the people,” it finishes.

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Dr Hassan Saeed slams the “Island President” with new book

Dr Hassan Saeed, Special Advisor to President Dr Mohamed Wahhed Hassan and Leader of the government-aligned Dhivehi Quamee Party (DQP) has this week published a book entitled, “Democracy betrayed: behind the mask of the island President”. The publication is written about former President Mohamed Nasheed, who contends that he was removed from office in a “coup d’etat” earlier this year.

Speaking to local media at the book’s launch at the studios of private broadcaster Villa Television (VTV) this week, DQP Secretary General Abdullah Ameen claimed the publication detailed reasons why Nasheed had to resign during February’s controversial transfer of power.

According to the Sun Online news agency, Ameen said the reasons mentioned in the book included the controversial detention of Criminal Court Chief Judge Abdulla Mohamed and allegations that Nasheed wished to “destroy the values of Islam” in the country.

Both Ameen and the book’s author, Dr Saeed were not responding to calls from Minivan News at the time of press concerning the publication.

However, DQP MP Riyaz Rasheed told Minivan News today that he would be able to discuss the book upon his return to Male’ next week.

Previous publications

In the months running up to the controversial transfer of power on February 7 that saw Nasheed resign from office – a decision he later claimed was made under duress – the DQP had published a pamphlet about the former president entitled ‘President Nasheed’s devious plot to destroy the Islamic faith of Maldivians’.

The former government slammed the publication at the time for containing “extremist, bigoted and hate-filled rhetoric”. The publication also led to successive attempts by the Nasheed administration to arrest two senior members of the party and sparked a debate on freedom of expression and hate speech in the Maldives.

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Hassan Saeed assesses six months of Waheed’s presidency

“Any attempt to review Dr Waheed’s half year in the presidency should bear in mind the challenges he faced and the past behaviours of his predecessor that he avoided adopting himself. Only thereafter will we be able to fully assess any material advances his presidency brought,” writes President Waheed’s Special Advisor and leader of the Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP), Dr Hassan Saeed for Haveeru.

“Dr Waheed was called in to office in a most unusual manner. The day after he took the oath of office, his predecessor claimed that he had resigned at gunpoint.

To anyone who was not aware of the character of the people involved, this chain of events might not sound like a normal governmental transition.

Perhaps understandably, some international organizations were soon demanding answers to why this change had happened with some people in them questioning the legitimacy of his rule. I’m sure everyone will recall attitudes in the international community shifted back and forth over those early weeks.

As a small country, the Maldives relations with its neighbours and with international institutions are vitally important. Clearly as a result of this a significant percentage of Dr. Waheed’s time was spent on addressing the concerns raised. This work has in recent months stabilized with the establishment of the Commission of National Inquiry (CoNI).

CoNI was not just established to respond to international opinion, but also to demonstrate that the Government could be transparent to its own people. Having set this up in the most professional and impartial manner, one would have hoped that the natural reaction from all sides of the argument would have been to wait for its outcome.

However that was not to be the case. Nasheed and his supporters have been out on the streets creating havoc and committing crimes. Security forces have had to spend a lot of time attending to these activities at a time when the public has been demanding the government does more in addressing crime and punishing criminals in response to recent high profile cases of murder.”

How Nasheed could not sustain a coalition: Dr Hassan Saeed

“No doubt many will be watching some of the sporting events at the Olympics. At the opening ceremony an athlete, judge and coach take an oath on behalf of all the competitors and those involved to abide by the spirit of the Olympics and the rules of the sport,” Dr Hassan Saeed, Special Advisor to President Waheed, writes for Haveeru.

“Whilst there may be a few people who break the rules, by and large the Olympics is full of sportsmanship and fair play. Some watching it might wish that our politics could resemble that sporting outlook more.

This brings me back to the issue of trust. Last week I talked about the inconsistencies in Nasheed’s position in the run-up to the last Presidential elections. He made all sorts of commitments at various points, but then did not deliver on them.

However, having arrived in office by making all sort of quickly withdrawn promises, it meant that there was little trust when it came to sustaining a coalition. It’s important to state this, because the current National Unity Government, whilst having been quickly assembled has now been in office for 6 months – something worth reviewing in a future article.

As I recounted in my last article, we in the New Maldives movement and others had decided to support Nasheed in the second round of the elections after he had come a poor second to President Gayyoom.

Shortly after Nasheed took the oath of office, I met him at Hilaaleege, the current official Presidential residence, to share some thoughts I felt were important. He had just come from a joint press conference with his predecessor President Gayyoom in which the new President told those assembled that democracy in the country will be judged on how well the former President was treated.

As part of his winning coalition I wanted to raise a few points with him.

Firstly, I told him that although coalition governments are not easy to manage it was important to make the effort to ensure that the coalition did not break up.

There was some public goodwill after the change and it was important that those people, who had made a leap into the unknown after 30 years with the same president, were not disappointed.

My suggestion was to set up a coalition committee chaired by the President himself to discuss important policy issues. Perhaps in response to this idea he did set up an informal coalition committee – but only to negotiate on cabinet composition.

In fact even before the cabinet was formed, for all practical purposes, the committee ceased to function. As a result his ill-fated coalition lasted barely three weeks!

Honourable Qasim resigned just 21 days after its formation and I left on the 100th day. Despite all efforts to stay the Adaalath party also did not last long in the coalition either.

Secondly, I suggested that he should get the best economic brain in the country as the finance minister. I told him that I foresaw serious financial and economic trouble – both domestic and international – the signs of which were already visible at the time. He told me that he had Ali Hashim in mind. I told him that he was a decent man but probably not the best choice for that time.

The subsequent huge deficit budgets, mismanagement of public finance and flight of the best brains in the Ministry shows my concerns were right.

My third suggestion was for coalition partners to commit to fight the 2009 Parliamentary election under a coalition banner. He told me that the MDP wouldn’t agree. I told him that it was his job to get the party’s approval.

After all it seemed to me that his own party could agree to him being a Vice-Presidential candidate or a Presidential candidate depending on who he was talking to. It was clear to me then that the MDP could not win that election in its own right and the coalition would face an early crisis. Subsequent events proved that I was right.

Not only did the MDP – that after all had only polled a quarter of the vote in the first round of the presidential elections – not win in the Parliamentary elections; but also allowed the opposition which was battered, bruised and bankrupt, to make a spectacular comeback.

Ever since, Nasheed had to battle with the Parliament that his own arrogance created. And the consequences also contributed to his downfall.

His supporters would regularly harass MPs, stage protests outside Parliament and occasionally invade the building.

The many promises of Mohamed Nasheed: Dr Hassan Saeed

“I have said in the past that many people find it hard to trust Nasheed and recent revelations about his relationship with President Waheed put this into perspective,” writes Dr Hassan Saeed, Special Advisor to President Waheed, in Haveeru.

“At this time of reflection, I want to put on record my own experience.

Shortly after my resignation from President Gayyoom’s cabinet in 2007, I visited London accompanied by two close friends. Through a series interviews with the BBC and the Independent, I and my team launched our 2008 presidential election campaign. We were then known as the New Maldives movement.

Whilst in London we also held a number of meetings. This included some with members of the then opposition UK Conservative Party. One such meeting was with a senior Conservative MP who had been closely working the MDP. During the meeting in his office, he remarked that the MDP leadership lacked experience and competency and that he would ask the MDP leadership to back the New Maldives team in the 2008 presidential election.

Perhaps he did?

Shortly after we returned from London the MDP held primaries to pick its presidential candidate. A number of senior MDP officials from Addu and elsewhere met me conveying a message from Nasheed. That message was very clear; Nasheed would contest the MDP primaries, but he did not intend to contest the Presidential election. If he were to win the MDP primaries, he would back me.

This was not just local MDP officials making rash promises; Nasheed himself came to visit and told me that I commanded substantial support within the MDP. He asked for my support to win those primaries. He even told me further that his own mother supported me. Almost immediately after our meeting an older woman called me. She said she was Nasheed’s mother and how big a fan of me she was and that she would get fully involved in my election campaign.

Many in Nasheed’s door-to-door campaign teams would call and tell me that he was making it crystal clear to MDP voters that if he won in the primaries he would back me.

Nasheed did win. Initially, I did not hear from him for several days. My colleagues contacted him. A meeting was arranged. Nasheed’s team consisted of Ibrahim Mohamed Salih, Ameen Faisal and Nasheed himself. From our side Dr Jameel, Dr Shaheed and myself attended.

Nasheed agreed to be my running mate with the MDP to get 75 percent of cabinet posts. However if elected President on this ticket I would have had the authority to veto incompetent and corrupt nominations from the MDP. In view of what seemed a good arrangement for all sides, we agreed this. We even shook hands on it before we finished the meeting.

Nasheed called an MDP Qawumee Majlis (Nations Council) meeting. He then contacted his close aides to mobilize their support for our agreement. The MDP member for the Constitutional Assembly Mr. Adnan Haleem floated the proposal to the MDP National Council. The Council unanimously endorsed the arrangement for Nasheed to be my running mate.

A meeting of senior officials from both sides was arranged to discuss joint campaign funding.

All seemed to be arranged. We would have change in the Maldives and it would have comprised an alliance that the subsequent first round Presidential election results shows could have secured up to 41.58 percent – ahead of Gayyoom’s 40.34 percent.

However what seemed to be solid turned out to be thin air. To my surprise immediately after the meeting a senior official from Adalat Party called me and said that Nasheed had asked MDP backing for his presidential campaign!”