September 2012 – Page 16 – Minivan News

Government urges CMAG to remove Maldives from agenda

The government has sent a statement to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group’s (CMAG) demanding its removal from the group’s agenda, ahead of its teleconference this Tuesday (August 11).

In the statement, dated September 7, the government argues that there remains “simply no justification for keeping the Maldives on the [CMAG] agenda”.

The CMAG had placed the Maldives on its formal agenda in February although President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan’s government has maintained that the group “lacked the mandate” to to so.

Waheed’s government also spent £75,000 (MVR 1.81 million) on advice from former UK Attorney General and member of the House of Lords, Baroness Patricia Scotland, in a bid to challenge what they deemed was the Commonwealth’s “biased” stance on the Maldives, and has continued to express disapproval at what it terms “interference” by the Commonwealth.

The government’s statement offers five reasons in support of its removal from the CMAG agenda.

Firstly, the government pointed out that the recently completed Commission of National Inquiry (CNI) had found no legal issues surrounding the transfer of power, adding that its international observers had hailed the report as “exemplary.”

The publication of the CNI was closely followed by an independent legal analysis which has raised serious doubts over the credibility of the CNI’s findings.

The teleconference statement added that former President Mohamed Nasheed had also welcomed the report, “though with some caveats”.

The most notable of the caveats mentioned by Nasheed was that the report left the country in a “comical” situation “where toppling the government by brute force is taken to be a reasonable course of action.”

Secondly, the government reasons that the CNI’s findings of police brutality are already being acted upon by the relevant independent institutions – the Police Integrity Commission (PIC), the Human Rights Commission (HRCM) and the Prosecutor General (PG).

The onus placed on these institutions since the release of the report has again raised doubts as to their ability to handle these politically sensitive investigations.

However, the fourth reason cited for the removal from CMAG’s agenda was the government’s willingness to expand cooperation with the Commonwealth in order to strengthen the institutional infrastructure.

This willingness to enhance relations with the Commonwealth appears at odds with the apparent enmity shown by senior figures towards the organisation since the CNI’s release.

Both Dunya Maumoon, State Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Dr Hassan Saeed, Special Advisor to the President, have publicly argued that the Maldives had been treated unfairly, suggesting that the country should leave the organisation should it not be removed from the CMAG agenda without delay.

“Should the Maldives continue to be kept on the CMAG agenda, I have to say that there are a lot of citizens and very senior members of the government who have many serious concerns regarding whether the Maldives will stay on as a member of the Commonwealth,” Dunya told the press last Thursday.

Dr Hassan launched a scathing attack in a comment piece for local newspaper Haveeru, in which he argued that the Maldives had received “third class justice” from the Commonwealth.

“It is my belief that the Commonwealth and its institutions have treated us very badly,” wrote Dr Hassan.

“I would now argue that if CMAG does not remove the Maldives from its agenda in its next teleconference on 11th of this month, we should end our relationship with the Commonwealth and look to other relationships that reflect modern realities of the world,” he said.

President’s Office Spokesman Abbas Adil Riza was reported in local media today as saying that he does not feel CMAG should intervene in any future challenges the country faces.

When discussing the current visit of Commonwealth Special Envoy Sir Donald McKinnon, Abbas said he felt this would be McKinnon’s last visit to the country.

The third reason listed by the government in its statement to CMAG argues that calm had been maintained “despite some serious efforts by the opposition to create unrest.”

Although there was widespread anticipation of unrest before the release of the CNI with Nasheed at one point calling for his supporters to “topple the government”, the demonstrations surrounding the report’s release were not accompanied by a notable increase in violence.

The presence of international news crews in anticipation of unrest did, however, did lead to greater coverage of the ensuing protests.

The statement also mentions the initiation of the ‘Leader’s Dialogue’ talks which it claims will focus discussion on practical issues such as legislation which will ensure elections next year can be held freely and fairly.

Finally, the government argues that the stigma of remaining on the CMAG agenda is negatively affecting foreign investment and tourism in the country.

“The Maldives, which is one of the smallest countries in the Commonwealth, is experiencing difficulties in finalising foreign investment projects, and in some cases, concessional loan financing, as well as a drop in tourist arrivals into the country as a result of being on the CMAG agenda,” read the statement.

Ministry of Tourism figures show that this year’s tourist arrivals had grown just 2.8 percent compared to the same period in 2011. Figures for 2011, however, showed growth of 17.6 percent compared with 2010’s arrivals.

President Waheed travelled to China last week where he finalised agreements for a US$500 million loan (MVR7.7billion).

“It is therefore time that the Maldives is removed from the formal agenda of the CMAG and allow the government to focus on what it is expected to do; cultivating and nurturing democracy in the Maldivian society,” concludes the statement.

“After all, in democracies, governments are answerable to the people,” it finishes.

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Commonwealth Special Envoy Sir Don McKinnon arrives in Male’ for post-CNI discussions

Commonwealth Secretary General’s Special Envoy to the Maldives, Sir Don McKinnon, has arrived to Male’ yesterday to discuss the report released by the Commission of National Inquiry (CNI) following its investigation into the controversial transfer of power on February 7.

Presidents Office Spokesperson Abbas Adil Riza told local media outlet Sun Online that McKinnon was to visit Maldives before the release of the CNI report, but had to delay his visit because President Mohamed Waheed Hassan was not in town, and because of the holidays that followed.

Riza further stated that the government believed that this would be the farewell visit of McKinnon in his capacity as the Special Envoy.

He also added that the government would acknowledge the efforts made by the Commonwealth in helping resolve the political crisis that followed after the transfer of power, but added that the government “sees no role for the Commonwealth any more in the domestic issues of the country”.

Riza did not respond to calls at time of press.

Minivan News understands that Sir Don McKinnon is set to meet both President Waheed and his predecessor, former President Mohamed Nasheed.

McKinnon’s visit comes at a time where the current government of Maldives and the Commonwealth are at loggerheads over the issue of Maldives still being in the formal agenda of Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG).

President Waheed has already sent letters to member states of CMAG demanding the immediate removal of Maldives from the CMAG’s agenda, claiming that the report by the CNI clears all doubts on legitimacy of the current government.

State Minister of Foreign Affairs and daughter of former President of 30 years Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, Dunya Maumoon, has already hinted about an impending withdrawal of Commonwealth membership if the Maldives is not removed from the formal agenda of the Commonwealth’s human rights and democracy arm.

Speaking at a press conference held in the Foreign Ministry on Wednesday, Dunya said, “We call on all the member countries of the CMAG to remove us from the agenda at the earliest possible opportunity. We do not altogether deserve to have been put on this agenda.”

Dunya stated that following the release of the report by the Commission of National Inquiry (CNI), many foreign countries had complimented the commission’s work. While she expressed concerns that “reactions from two countries are somewhat worrying”, she declined to name either country.

CNI Report

On August 30, CNI released its report into the circumstances surrounding the controversial resignation of former President Mohamed Nasheed and the transfer of power on February 7, stating that the transfer of power was legitimate and that it was neither a coup d’état nor a resignation under duress.

The CNI was initially a three member panel (Dr Ibrahim Yasir, Dr Ali Fawaz Shareef and Chairman Ismail Shafeeu), formed by President Waheed Hassan to examine the circumstances surrounding his own succession to presidency.

The Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) of ex President Nasheed and the Commonwealth subsequently challenged the impartiality of the CNI, and it was reformed to include retired Singaporean judge G. P. Selvam and a representative of Nasheed’s, Ahmed ‘Gahaa’ Saeed.

Retired Court of Appeal judge from New Zealand, Sir Bruce Robertson, and Canadian UN Legal Advisor Professor John Packer, were appointed as international advisers representing the Commonwealth and UN respectively.

Nasheed’s representative Saeed resigned from the CNI on the evening of August 29, denouncing its credibility and alleging that the final report excluded testimony from key witnesses as well as crucial photo, audio and video evidence.

According to the published report, the change of government was “legal and constitutional”, and the events of February 6-7 “were, in large measure, reactions to the actions of President Nasheed.”

“The resignation of President Nasheed was voluntary and of his own free will. It was not caused by any illegal coercion or intimidation,” the report claimed.

In addition, “There were acts of police brutality on 6, 7 and 8 February 2012 that must be investigated and pursued further by the relevant authorities.”

The report dismissed the MDP’s allegations that the government’s ousting was a ‘coup d’état’, stating that the Constitution “was precisely followed as prescribed.”

“There appears nothing contestable in constitutional terms under the generic notion of a ‘coup d’état’ that is alleged to have occurred – quite to the contrary, in fact,” the report claimed.

“In terms of the democratic intent and legitimacy of the authority of the Presidency, as foreseen in the Constitution, President Waheed properly succeeded President Nasheed.”

“As President Nasheed clearly resigned and now challenges the voluntariness and legitimacy of his action, the onus is on him to establish illegal coercion or unlawful intimidation.”

Counter report by Sri Lankan legal experts

A legal analysis of the CNI report by a team of high-profile Sri Lankan legal professionals – including the country’s former Attorney General – prepared upon the request of the MDP stated that it was “selective”, “flawed” and had exceeded its mandate.

The legal analysis’ authors include two Sri Lankan Supreme Court attorneys – Anita Perera and Senany Dayaratne – and the former Sri Lankan Attorney General Shibly Aziz.

The analysis focused on five main areas: the CNI’s compliance with its mandate, the procedure pursued in exercising this mandate, the evidence gathering process, the adherence to the “imperative dictates” of natural justice, and the legal issues which ensue from this.

“The Report offends the fundamental tenets of natural justice, transparency and good governance, including the right to see adverse material, which undermines the salutary tenets of the Rule of Law.” Read the report

The report further suggested that there was “in fact adequate evidence to suggest that duress (or even ‘coercion’ and/ or illegal coercion as used by CNI) is attributable to the resignation of President Nasheed.”

“Even by the yardstick of ‘coercion’ or illegal coercion which the CNI has incorporated for reasons one cannot fathom- given the clear mandate- , ex facie the events accepted by the Commission and without anything more, does strongly and convincingly establish the ‘coercion’ or ‘illegal coercion’, the yardstick chosen by the Commission,” it read.

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CNI report “selective”, “flawed”, “exceeded mandate”: Sri Lankan legal experts

A legal analysis of the Commission of National Inquiry’s (CNI) final report by a team of high-profile Sri Lankan legal professionals – including the country’s former Attorney General – has been prepared upon the request of the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP).

The scathing report accuses the commission of exceeding its mandate, selectively gathering and acting upon evidence, and failing to adequately address the fundamental issue with which it was charged: determining whether former President Mohamed Nasheed resigned under duress.

“[The CNI] appears to have abdicated its duty to objectively and reasonably bring its collective mind to bear on whether or not there was duress involved in the purported resignation of President Nasheed,” concludes the the detailed report.

The CNI report had stated that Nasheed’s resignation was “voluntary and of his own free will,” adding: “It was not caused by any illegal coercion or intimidation”.

The legal analysis’ authors include two Sri Lankan Supreme Court attorneys – Anita Perera and Senany Dayaratne – and the former Sri Lankan Attorney General Shibly Aziz.

The Sri Lankan legal team also believe “There is evidence to demonstrate that there was in fact adequate evidence to suggest that duress (or even ‘coercion’ and/ or illegal coercion as used by CNI) is attributable to the resignation of President Nasheed.”

Last week’s official release of the CNI report was preceded by the resignation of one of the commission’s five members.

Ahmed ‘Gahaa’ Saeed – Nasheed’s nomination to the commission – resigned after viewing the first draft compiled by the Singaporean co-chair, retired Supreme Court Judge G.P. Selvam.

“I feel compelled to formally register with you a number of issues that I believe, if left unaddressed, will seriously undermine the credibility of the report,” Saeed wrote to his colleagues on August 26.

“I also believe these matters defeat the purpose for which the CNI was established,” he added.

Saeed’s concerns – which included withheld evidence, non-examination and obstruction of witnesses, and overlooked evidence – appear to have been substantiated by the Sri Lankan analysis.

The MDP had previously commissioned a legal report by a team of Danish experts which concluded that Nasheed had resigned under duress.

“To the extent that a ‘coup d’etat’ can be defined as the ‘illegitimate overthrow of a government’, we must therefore also consider the events as a coup d’etat,” read the analysis, titled ‘Arrested Democracy’.

Exceeded mandate, flawed report

The Sri Lankan analysis focuses on five main areas: the CNI’s compliance with its mandate, the procedure pursued in exercising this mandate, the evidence gathering process, the adherence to the “imperative dictates” of natural justice, and the legal issues which ensue from this.

In addressing the issue of the mandate, the analysis states the following: “It must be emphasised that the mandate granted to the Commission, is not to investigate whether the ouster of President Nasheed is politically justified, nor is it an evaluation of the manner in which the President discharged his powers and duties during his period of office.”

The report opines that the CNI simultaneously expanded its mandate to include additional concepts such as ‘common-good and public interest’, whilst restricting itself to completion in a timely manner in order to move the country forward.

The analysis argues that “without any explanation or rationale” the CNI focussed only on the physical threats to Nasheed without considering the context of pressures which were “exerted on the ability of the President to lawfully administer the country” in the period under review – January 14 to February 7.

Procedure and evidence

“It is respectfully submitted that the Report, which was compiled and released in less than two months, cannot be relied on as a credible analysis of the legality of the change of power as it has, inter alia, not provided objective reasons for the way in which it has selected or afforded weight to the evidence considered for its conclusions; has deviated from the critical issues it was required to consider in terms of its mandate and appeared to have conferred on itself an objective of ascertaining a political justification for the change of government rather than analysing, as it was required to do, the legality of the said change.”

In analysing the evidence gathering aspect, the analysis provides a table of “numerous glaring omissions” which include:

No testimony from deputy leader of the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) Umar Naseer, or consideration of public statements calling for, and taking credit for, the overthrow of the government.
No examination of the role of then Vice-President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan on February 7 and his meeting with opposition leaders on January 30.
No mention of the leaders of some opposition parties openly joining protesters on the morning of February 7, and the fact that some were inside the police headquarters “conspiring alongside certain senior police officers.”
No inclusion of the account of Nasheed’s wife, Madam Laila Ali, despite the basis of coercion adopted by the CNI including threats to Nasheed’s family.
No analysis as to why Mohamed Nazim, currently the Defence Minister but a civilian on the morning of February 7, announced the appointment of acting heads of the police and military before Nasheed had resigned.
No testimony from key witnesses, such as Chief of Defence Brg. Gen. Moosa Ali Jaleel and Deputy Police Commissioner Ahmed Muneer, despite CNI’s procedural rules prescribing “rigorous deliberation” on obtained evidence.
Statements from key personnel like Male’ Area Commander Ibrahim Didi and Commissioner of Police Ahmed Faseeh were not taken August 27.

The report also repeats the concerns of ‘Gahaa’ Saeed that vital CCTV footage was not obtained by the commission.

“In view of the totality of the foregoing, it is submitted that CNI failed, and/or neglected, to take such steps as are necessary to ensure a full evaluation of all relevant evidence and/or expressly account for any limitations therein,” it states.

Natural Justice

Citing the dictates of natural justice, the analysis argues that the CNI impinged on the right to a fair hearing and the rules against bias.

The Sri Lankan experts argued that, as the report at various time treats Nasheed as a witness, a complainant, and as the accused, he ought to have been afforded greater opportunity to give evidence and to defend himself.

“The Report appears to depict the President as the accused in an investigation that, however, was never designed or intended to place any culpability on anyone, unless the Commissioners so misconceived their writ,” the authors stated.

The analysts also point out that the events of February 8 were treated as stand-alone incidents and not used to contextualise the climate in which the previous day’s events tool place.

They also argue that the CNI’s conclusion that the events of February 6 and 7 were responses to Nasheed’s actions implies that he got what he deserved, and was therefore “tainted with manifest bias.”

“The report further purports to create a strange burden of proof that no evidence is required to prove or disprove allegations, if the commission is of the opinion that the allegation is lacking in substance or reality,” read the analysis.

“It appears therefore, regrettably, that the commission appears to have adopted the whims of its preconceived notions, rather than the requirements of its mandate, in determining the evidence it will consider in compiling the Report,” it continued.

Legal issues

The legal issues concomitant with the CNI’s conclusions include the use of a draft penal code from 2004 to support the claim that Maldivian law does not define a coup d’etat.

It is also suggested that the CNI failed to consider the principle of duress as referred to in its original mandate, instead interchanging the term with ‘coercion’ which has a far narrower scope involving only threat to life limb or liberty.

It is argued that restricting illegal pressure to physical threats is not appropriate in a political context.

The legal analysis concludes that the evidence seen “gives strong credence to the claim that President Nasheed was under duress when he tendered his resignation”, even when considered in terms of the ‘coercion’ used by the CNI.

Regarding the claims that the events could not have amounted to a coup d’etat, the Sri Lankan team argued that there is no provision in Maldivian law which corroborates the CNI’s rationale that a Vice President can succeed a President based solely on the fact he was elected on the same ballot.

“The limitations of such an argument lie in the fact that it purports to construe the change of power or justify the change of power in terms of what had transpired 3 years ago rather than what had transpired in the present,” said the Sri Lankan report.

“The simple question that [the CNI] needed to answer to ascertain whether there was a coup was who controlled the communications and defense functions of the country – who was the police and military personnel listening to, who was occupying the national television promises immediately before President Nasheed’s resignation,” it continues

The analysis further suggests the CNI became overly focused on dispelling accusations of a coup, rather than simply determining whether the transfer of power was legal, the two not being mutually exclusive.

The analysis also adds that, just because a coup is not defined in Maldivian law, it does not mean it is not prohibited, suggesting that the penal code provides multiple provisions prohibiting unauthorised challenges to governmental authority.

The CNI’s claims that an army mutiny is an internal military matter is dismissed in the analysis by pointing out the president’s position as Commander-in-Chief.

It also suggests that the inability of the president to control his army is a “universally accepted hallmark” of a coup.

The constitutionality of the transfer is also challenged on the grounds that the permanent, as opposed to temporary, resignation and swearing in of presidents must take place before the People’s Majlis, as prescribed in Article 114 of the constitution.

“These authors observe therefore, that CONI could not have conclusively arrived at a finding that all constitutional provisions were duly complied with and further observe that such inconsistency cannot in any way be dismissed as a failure to comply with a mere protocol.”

“More importantly this also confirms the state of affairs that may have prevailed at the time of resignation where the persons who were desirous of bringing a change in the presidency were willing to sidestep constitutional requirements to replace President Nasheed,” concludes the analysis.

Read the report (English)

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Male’ mayor claims latest ‘Usfasgandu’ lease extension agreed before issue of Civil Court block

Male’ City Council (MCC) Mayor ‘Maizan’ Ali Manik has claimed a lease extension providing the ‘Usfasgandu’ protest area to the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) until December was agreed before the Civil Court issued an order blocking such a move.

Speaking to Minivan News today, Manik claimed that unless a further court order was issued that directly prevented the lease extension, which comes into effect later this month, then the opposition MDP would be permitted to continue using the area for their activities up until December 2012.

According to local media, the Civil Court has issued a ‘interim order’ prohibiting the long-term lease of the area by the council or any construction of buildings on the site. The order was granted amidst an ongoing Civil Court case filed by the Ministry of Housing that questions the legality of the MCC’s decision to lease Usfasgandu.

The Sun Online news service reported today that the Civil Court’s interim order would remain in place until a ruling on the issue of the legality of the MCC’s decision to lease the area had been finalised.

However, Mayor Manik told Minivan News that once the present lease agreement finished on September 19, a new agreement said to guarantee the opposition party’s use of the area for an additional three months would come into place.

“The extension was agreed by the council before the court order came into place. The court would otherwise need to send an additional order concerning this extension if they want it stopped,” he claimed.

Minister of Housing Dr Mohamed Muiz said today that he did not wish to comment on the case as it was still being heard at the Civil Court. When questioned as to whether a date had been set for the next hearing of the case, Dr Muiz added that he would need to check with the Attorney General’s Office.

Last month, the Housing Ministry alleged through the Civil Court that the MCC was in violation of both articles five and six of its agreement to lease the land – charges that it contended were proved in documents submitted to the court.

The state also contended at the time that the MMC was deliberately attempting to delay the ongoing case by claiming the charges “were not clear”, according to newspaper Haveeru.

The MCC claimed in response that the Housing Ministry had no evidence to back its claims that its provision of the lease was illegal.

Legal wrangling

The Civil Court case is the latest development in ongoing legal wrangling between the MCC and the Ministry of Housing over the Usfasgandfu site.

Back in August, the Civil Court ruled that the Maldives Police Service did not have legal authority to order the MDP to vacate Usfasgandu on May 29.

The court noted the same day that the a wider dispute between the MCC and Housing ministry over guardianship of the Usfasgandu area could only be settled once the Civil Court reached a verdict on the legality of providing the land to the MDP. The case was filed by the Housing Ministry, which requested the MCC be ordered to hand over the plot.

On May 29, police raided Usfasgandu with a search warrant from the Criminal Court and ordered the MDP to vacate the area before 10pm, after which the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) began dismantling the protest camp.

The Civil Court however issued an injunction ordering the security forces to halt the dismantling after the MDP challenged the legality of the operation. The injunction was to stand until the court reached a verdict and was later upheld by the High Court.

Police had obtained a warrant to search Usfasgandu on the grounds that the MDP was using the area as a hub for criminal activity and black magic. MDP lawyers however argued at court that the warrant did not provide a legal basis to dismantle the demonstration area.

Following the dismantling of the MDP’s protest camp at the tsunami memorial area on March 19, the Male’ City Council (MCC) leased the Usfasgandu area to the former ruling party for three months, prompting repeated attempts by the government to reclaim the area.

The MCC – which has nine MDP councillors and two government-aligned Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) councillors – refused to hand over the area to the Housing Ministry despite a cabinet decision authorising the Housing Ministry to reclaim the plot.

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Battle for the brand: Are the “hard days” over for Maldives tourism?

As the Maldives looks to boost tourism arrivals following negative international coverage of the country’s political unrest this year, one leading branding consultant has said destinations looking to overcome bad headlines rarely find quick fix solutions to improve their image.

Following the controversial transfer of power that brought President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan to office on February 7, negative headlines regarding the political situation and violent clashes between civilians and security forces were deemed as having an adverse affect on tourism in the Maldives.

However, tourism authorities this week talked optimistically of the prospects for growth in the industry following several months of uncertainty that it said impacted growth – predicting a resurgence in international visitors towards 2013.

Earlier this week, Deputy Minister for Tourism, Arts and Culture Mohamed Maleeh Jamal claimed “the hard days” were over for the Maldives tourism industry, after a Commonwealth-backed report last week rejected accusations that the present government came to power illegally.

Former President Mohamed Nasheed and the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) have continued to allege that they were removed from office in a “coup detat”, claiming the Commission of National Inquiry (CNI) failed to include key witness statements and evidence in its findings.

Amidst the uncertainty since February’s power transfer, tourism authorities in the country have pursued a strategy of collaboration with the country’s private sector to try and strengthen arrival numbers to the country. This focus included signing a US$250,000 (Rf3.8million) advertising deal to promote the country’s tourism industry on the BBC through sponsorship of its weather services.

In April, the Maldives Marketing and Public Relations Corporation (MMPRC) confirmed the appointment of New-York based public relations agency Ruder Finn to “oversee the overall media coordination and achievement of PR related solution for destination Maldives.”

However Peter Mathews, founder and chief Executive Officer of UK-based branding consultancy Nucleus, claimed a quick fix solution to changing perceptions of a destination on the back of negative international headlines was unlikely.

Mathews took the examples of Sri Lanka and Bahrain as countries that had experienced difficulties attracting tourists on the back of unfavourable headlines relating to reports of political uncertainty or human rights abuses.

“Both of these destinations have had issues with branding. Branding alone is not an instant solution for a country’s reputation,” he told Minivan News. “If you are not transparent about issues, they will still be there for tourists to see once you scratch below the surface of a destination.”

With the growing prominence of social media and video sharing services like Twitter, Facebook and YouTube, Mathews claimed it was becoming increasingly difficult to move on from negative headlines without addressing the key social or political issues.

“We now live in a digital world of instant updates and information, there is nowhere to hide,” he said.

“Ultimately, the best way to re-brand in the medium to long-term is for a destination to try and ensure transparency and avoiding contradictions.”

According to Mathews, a single negative headline about a destination required number of positive stories in order for it to overcome any detrimental impacts to a country’s reputation.

“It can take a while these days for unfavourable headlines to slip down the Google rankings. Of course, some have turned to using the ‘dark arts’ but this doesn’t always work. Particularly in the luxury market, where consumers tend to be much better informed when it comes to travel,” he said.

Talking about the potential challenges for the Maldives regarding boosting confidence in the tourism industry, Mathews said that authorities would need to satisfy resort owners and the international brands operating in the country, as well as the wider population that positive changes were being enacted.

“Suddenly, word of mouth can become very important. This makes it difficult to paper over the cracks,” he said.

Mathews said the Maldives’ relatively unique resort industry – a hundred-or-so resort properties exclusively built on individual private islands – had been afforded protection from any political unrest that centered mostly on its inhabited islands.

“The Maldives resort experience is obviously very different to the Maldives experienced in the capital of Male’, and this does help insulate the industry from uncertainty,” he said. “Yet economically, I would have thought there was interest to try and bring tourism income directly to the capital and other [inhabited] local islands.”

However, the negative impacts on Maldives tourism witnessed following February’s political turmoil appears not to have been repeated despite fears of continued unrest.

The UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) updated a travel advisory for the Maldives on August 24 to account for potential violent clashes linked to the release of findings by the Commission of National Inquiry (CNI).

“Very positive”

Amidst talks of potential boycotts of the Maldives travel industry, a stance at one point this year backed by former President Mohamed Nasheed, Deputy Tourism Minister Maleeh contended that arrival figures immediately after February had been sluggish. However, even before the release of the CNI’s findings, which were welcomed by the Commonwealth last week, Maleeh contended that arrival figures had shown “very positive” during June and July.

The deputy minister therefore moved this week to play down fears over the country experiencing continued difficulties in attracting visitors.

“The hard days are over following the findings of the [CNI] report. Over the last week, unlike February, we have seen no major disturbances in the country and this sends a positive message out about the destination,” he said. “During the next four months we are expecting a positive outcome for the industry despite the economic crisis.”

Maleeh added that in light of political instability and “turbulence” experienced in the country since the transfer of power, internal stability was a huge part of attracting and maintaining visitor numbers

“What we do is try to provide the industry and media with information that is true and accurate,” he said.

In March, the Maldives Marketing and Public Relations Corporation (MMPRC) announced that, as well as returning to its ‘sunny side of life’ branding, the industry had set a target during 2012 to attract one million visitors to the country by year’s end.

Maleeh claimed that the industry remained on track to meet these goals, despite certain key challenges such as the impact of ongoing financial uncertainty on some core European tourism markets like the UK and Italy.

During the last 120 days of 2012, Maleeh said that a major tourism marketing push was being planned to meet these goals. This focus was said to be focused on over 12 major emerging and established markets through Europe and Asia, including measures such as six travel road shows and an international media push.

“We will be bringing an estimated 40 journalists from around the world for press familiarisation trips to show them the ‘sunny side of life’,” he said.

Maleeh claimed that the MMPRC would also be collaborating with over 300 industry stakeholders including resorts groups, liveaboard boat operators and travel agencies to attend a number of major travel events and fairs around the world including London, Rome, Tokyo and Osaka. Key national markets in China and Eastern Europe would also be included.

Maleeh said authorities considered using special roadshow events in order to ensure a short-term boost in tourist interest.

Back in April, the MMPRC teamed up with local airline group Mega Maldives to carry out a travel road-show to promote the Maldives through what it described as a whistle-stop tour of five Chinese cities in one week.

According to Maleeh, the tours allowed the private sector to “close deals” during a period of “sluggish” growth in February and March.

“The roadshows have shown very positive results and we are looking to have one in Eastern Europe to try and boost the market in countries like Poland and the Czech Republic.

The MMPRC has also announced a commitment to take part in special market focused events like the Dive Resort Travel (DRT) Expo in China and other luxury travel-focused shows.

“Sunny side of life”

As part of the organisation’s marketing push, Maleeh added that under ‘sunny side of life’ brand, authorities would make use of a number of what he called lesser known taglines to target specific areas including ‘the spiritual side of life’ and ‘the colourful side of life’ – a tag used to play up the country as a dive destination.

“These messages are quite useful in areas like the Middle East, which are very popular with honeymooners,” he said. “Right now we are hoping that 2012 is shaping up to be a very promising year for tourism in the Maldives.”

Beyond addressing the Maldives’ image, several industry insiders have also raised concerns of late about the financial realities facing both local and multinational companies working in the country.

Just last month, several resort managers voiced concerns over revenue raising measures proposed by the Finance Ministry, which they claimed would have a detrimental financial impact on the tourism industry and provide little improvement in service or support in return.

The proposed measures were part of an ‘austerity’ package sent to parliament’s Finance Committee during August in a bid to address the country’s crippled financial condition.

However, since the publication of the CNI report, President Waheed told Reuters this month that China would grant the Maldives US$500 million (MVR7.7billion) in loans during his state visit to the country.

The loans, equal to nearly one quarter of the Maldives’ GDP, would include $150 million (MVR2.3billion) for housing and infrastructure, with another $350million (MVR5.4billion) from the Export-Import Bank of China, reported Reuters.

Minister of Finance and Trasury Abdulla Jihad told Minivan News today that despite the possible provision of finance from China, the proposed revenue raising plans such as
raising Tourism Goods and Services Tax (TGST) to 15 percent were still being discussed to help balance finances.

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Dhiraagu launches online bill payment service

Local telecommunications firm Dhiraagu has announced the launch of an online bill payment service to allow customers to settle their monthly mobile phone, fixed-line and internet accounts.

Customers wishing to use the service can register online at Dhiraagu’s website by clicking on the ‘My Account’ section.

According to the company, there are no additional charges to use the service, with customers able to make secure payments through a valid Visa, Mastercard, American Express or bank debit card.

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Senior US diplomat Robert Blake to meet top government, opposition figures in Male’

US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Robert Blake will be meeting senior government and opposition figures during a visit to the Maldives on Wednesday (September 12).

Blake’s visit, part of a wider tour of South Asia that includes visits to Nepal and Sri Lanka, will include meetings with President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan and former President Mohamed Naseed, according to a state department release.

A “round-table” will also be held with a number of civil society leaders, while Blake will conclude his visit with a press conference at the American Corner in the capital’s National Library building.

“[Assistant Secretary Blake] will express US support for all Maldivian parties charting a way forward that respects Maldivian democratic institutions, the rule of law, and the will of the Maldivian people,” added the state department in its release.

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Oligarchies, rising fundamentalism, undermining media in the Maldives: Eurasia Review

In 2004, Maldives embarked on the path toward adopting a democratic status when then President Gayoom, under mounting pressure for reforms, announced plans for significant political reforms which included the drafting of a new constitution, writes Annapoorna Karthika for the Eurasia Review.

Between 2005 and 2007, the authoritarian regime relaxed policies for registering newspapers, ended years of state monopoly over media and announced major media-related reform bills.

Even so, this liberty of journalists in the post-authoritarian Maldives to practice media impartiality and editorial independence is being increasingly undermined by diminishing religious tolerance, and escalating violent clashes between pro-democracy groups and the government.

The anti-government protestors are demanding an early election – a claim that has reportedly been supported by the Commonwealth and the European Union, but rebuffed by the government. This commentary attempts to understand the mounting inimical descent in freedom of expression and independent journalism in Maldives.

The ‘oligarchy’ typified section of Maldivian society has possibly inherited a trait from the legacy of the country’s autocratic past – the inability to acknowledge voices of dissent. The informal network of clientele controls some of the media enterprises which lack the financial mobility to initiate independence in media objectivity.

This lamentable trend has a distressing impact on the fledgling democracy of Maldives. The process of democratization is deeply entwined in the development of a transparent, impartial and responsible media. Unfortunately, the rhetoric of political rivalry is redefining the practice of journalism in Maldives today.

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PIC report calls for action against rogue police, holds former Commissioner Faseeh accountable

The Police Integrity Commission (PIC) has published a summary of one of its three reports concerning the February 2012 events on their website.

Of the three separate reports the PIC has said it will release, the one published today (in Dhivehi) covers the events the investigation carried out to see if the police had committed any unlawful acts during the events of February 6 and 7, which led to the controversial transfer of power in the Maldives.

The report highlights nine different incidents. In five of these, the report states that the commission will further investigate the role of the police and take necessary legal action.

It explains that the investigation was carried out with reference to videos downloaded from the internet, CCTV footage, interviews and phone logs. It emphasises that all conclusions were reached in the light of information uncovered from the above-mentioned means and the existing legislative framework.

According to the report, all conclusions were reached with the unanimous agreement of all five members of the commission.

Regarding the matter of police withdrawing from and returning to the Artificial Beach on February 6, the report states that the order to retreat was given by then President Mohamed Nasheed. It goes on to say that in refusing to obey this command, the police in the area had been acting in accordance with provisions in the constitution and the police act, while concluding that then Commissioner of Police Ahmed Faseeh, Deputy Commissioner of Police Ismail Atheef, Chief Superintendent of Police Farhad Fikry, Chief Superintendent Mohamed Hameed, Superintendent Ibrahim Adnan Anees and Superintendent Ahmed AbduRahman had acted against these laws, namely Article 244(a) of the constitution, Article 6 (8) of the Police Act and the official police oath.

The report states that the commission believes that police occupying Republican Square had made valid and justifiable demands. It details these demands to have been for the Commissioner of Police to meet them, agree to not give them any more unlawful commands, and to provide a guarantee that no action would be taken against the officers for the events of that night.

While highlighting that police themselves have a constitutional right to go on strike, the report notes that it was wrong for them to have remained in the Republican Square after civilians joined the area and the gathering turned into a politically-motivated one. The report notes that it was some among these citizens who called for the resignation of then President Mohamed Nasheed.

With reference to the damage caused by officers to the police headquarters, the report says: “With reference to the videos and accounts reviewed by the commission, we have found that some among the police officers gathered in the Republican Square on February 7 entered the [police HQ] Shaheed Hussain Adam Building, damaged property, broken the panes of a window, took down the police flag, threatened senior officers and committed violent acts against them. These are disciplinary and criminal offences which should not have been seen from police officers.”

It furthermore states that these will be treated as separate offenses and legal action would be taken against those involved.

In contrast to the general account of events, the PIC in its report states that supporters of MDP and other civilians had marched into the area where the police were chanting their mission statement. The report claims that this led to clashes in which persons from both sides sustained injuries. It notes that the MDP were allowed to approach the police because MNDF officials who were tasked with cordoning off the area had retreated.

The PIC further claimed that its investigations had uncovered that police had entered the MDP ‘Haruge’ only with the intention to catch some individuals who had attacked the police at the Artificial Beach, and then run to the Haruge to hide. It also noted that people and property in the Haruge were attacked by both police and “some other persons”, stating that the commission would further investigate the role of the police in the incident, and take any required legal action.

On the issue of the takeover of the state TV channel, MNBC One, by police, military and opposition demonstrators, the report observed that the police went to the channel’s offices under the orders of an unnamed senior level commander. It states that they went to “provide protection to the channel” since it had received information that some civilians had entered and were vandalising state property within its premises.

The report states that police had been able to enter the MNBC premises after two attempts because a group of civilians were attacking them with sticks and stones outside the building. It describes the police entry into MNBC:

“Tear gas was used as police were unable to enter the MNBC premises due to attacks from civilians outside. The gate was locked, so police fired teargas with a riot gun into the premises through an opening in the gate. The police are authorised to use this weapon. Tear gas was fired inside in case there were people inside who might again attack the police. The gate was opened merely by thoroughly shaking and pushing it.”

The report notes that although the police used a “strict attitude” which “checking” the station, they did not commit violent acts against the people there. It also says that the police did not in any way attempt to influence the channel’s broadcasting. It states that the police checked the premises to see if any outsiders were there, and then retreated from the building. The PIC defends police’s actions in this matter by stating they were in accordance with Article 2 and 4 of the Police Act.

As a final point of investigation, the report notes that some police officers were injured in clashes between the officers of MPS and the MNDF. It holds then Commissioner of Police Ahmed Faseeh accountable, quoting negligence, and states that the commission will take legal action against him.

The only recommendations in the report are directed for action from the Minister of Home Affairs. The recommendations are that the police institute remain free from political influences, and for the establishment of a working environment where the police could work without bias and with equability and fairness.

“A noble request can be made in an unlawful environment”

President of the Police Integrity Commission, Shahindha Ismail, speaking to Minivan News today expressed concern that some local media were misinterpreting the PIC report.

“The PIC does not collectively call the actions of the police on the 6th and 7th of February constitutional.”

“A very noble request or demand can still be made in an unlawful environment. This is what we are saying. The demand by the police to not give them unlawful commands was within the boundaries of law. But that they had remained there, with civilians, as part of what had escalated into a politically motivated gathering is wrong.”

Shahindha further said that the fact that many of the incidents highlighted in the report called for more investigation and action against police, confirming that the PIC did not endorse police action of the days in question as lawful.

PIC has previously said that it meant to release the reports before the CNI report. Shahindha said that the delay had been due to complications during the in-depth investigation.

President Nasheed’s nominee to CNI, Ahmed ‘Gahaa’ Saeed, when sharing his reservations with the press, had expressed disappointment that the CNI had not received the PIC report during the inquiry phase.

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