The Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) will release its report on rights abuses leading up to February’s controversial transfer of power as soon as possible after parts of its findings were allegedly leaked by the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM).
The HRCM claims that the report has not been shared with any political party as of yet, while raising fears sections of it may already have been used as a “political tool” after being disclosed to the media.
Speaking to Minivan News today, HRCM Vice President Ahmed Tholal said that the commission had only shared the report with stakeholders to whom its recommendations were relevant. According to Tholal, these stakeholders include the Maldives Police Service and other selected state institutions.
According to details of the report leaked by PPM Interim Deputy Leader Umar Naseer on Saturday (August 18), the HRCM concluded that former President Mohamed Nasheed gave “unlawful orders” to the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) and police officers at the Artificial Beach area on the evening of February 6.
According to Naseer, the HRCM report stated that the MNDF and police officers at the Artificial Beach area were “unlawfully” ordered to leave the area, which led to a breakdown in command and control of the security forces. Consequently, citizens were injured and huge damage was caused to the state, Naseer stated, citing the report.
While local media has reported that the document shared by PPM was the HRCM report with sections removed, Tholal confirmed that the full report had been sent to stakeholders.
Tholal said that in light of the reported leak, the HRCM now intended to share its published findings with the public at the earliest possible date. He was unable to provide a specific date, but said the decision had to be made in a commission members’ meeting as required in their regulations.
Meanwhile, HRCM Commission Member Ahmed Abdul Kareem, speaking during a press conference on July 18, stated that the commission would not be looking into the events surrounding the transfer of power on February 7 as it did not fall within the body’s mandate.
When asked about the contradictions between this statement and the accounts given by Umar Naseer that were said to be have taken from the report, Tholal responded today by saying that he had not seen what details the PPM Deputy Leader had shared. He claimed that the HRCM had not conducted any investigation into the controversial transfer of power.
Tholal also expressed concern that the report was currently being used by some entities as a political tool ,“The reason why we haven’t put in a confidentiality clause is that our intention is to release it to the public when the time comes. It is not a confidential document as such. But the point is, when it is shared, we expect it to be used for the intended purposes and not as a political tool”.
In addition to the PPM, its coalition government partner the Jumhooree Party (JP) also held a press conference about the report this week.
Local newspaper Haveeru reported that Jumhooree Party (JP) Deputy President Ameen Ibrahim stated the leaked report would put an end to questions about the transfer of power in February. According to Ameen, the two main questions around the events on February 7 had been answered through the report; firstly whether there was a coup, followed by whether or not President Waheed assumed his presidency through legal means.
While HRCM claims that they had not investigated the transfer of power through their report, JP Spokesperson Moosa Rameez contended the findings provided conclusive details on the event.
The JP representatives also stated they were very confident the upcoming Commission of National Inquiry (CNI) report would conclude the transfer of power had not been a “coup d’etat” as alleged by the now opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP).
Neither the PPM’s Umar Naseer or JP spokesperson Abbas Adil Riza were responding to calls at the time of press.
A leaked audio clip apparently of Deputy CEO of Maldives Ports Limited, Ahmed Faiz, has been aired on opposition-aligned Raajje TV after it appeared on Maldivian social media and went viral.
In the 15 minute audio, Faiz speaks in detail about his intention to hire his audience as government supporters, President Mohamed Waheed’s reluctance to maintain ties with PPM, an intention to “wipe [former President] Maumoon out of the political picture”, other problems arising in the current ‘unity’ government, his own influence within the State Trading Organisation (STO), and large amounts of money being illicitly obtained.
Faiz is a member of President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan’s Gaumee Itthihaad Party (GIP), and was previously appointed by him as the Managing Director of the Maldives National Broadcasting Corporation (MNBC).
In the audio, Faiz boasts that he is a “close confidante” of the President, and that he had been given many assignments to help his presidency.
RaajjeTV initially aired a shorter three minute audio of Faiz, in which he boasts of being the main actor in toppling the Nasheed administration.
He goes on to say that if the change of power was indeed a coup for which the punishment was the death penalty in Islamic Shar’ia, then he himself ought to be the first to be sentenced.
Faiz confirmed to Minivan News that the clip was authentic, but said it had been recorded five months ago and cut and edited together. He had no further comment.
Ahmed Faiz: Not necessarily going out into the streets with huge knives and attacking people, okay? What I want is, for example, when the key people who are involved in this are in a certain place… for example, four or five of these people might be in a coffee-shop. You go in there, do you understand? You go and barge in right into the middle, and say, no need to be discreet at all, just say it out loud openly, ‘Hey you (expletive) dogs, this country is being destroyed because of you (expletive). Don’t even think you can do what you please with this country..’
You know what I’m saying. Start off in this manner, and then say ‘We support this government. We will keep protecting this government as long as there is even a single drop of blood left in us.’
Go on like this and say ‘If you continue to go on like that, we are willing to risk our lives.’ And you all should not stay in your homes, always be in cafes, you people should be in all the cafes of Male’ at all times. You should be in all the popular ones, especially those the opposition frequent.
You should also go on motorcycle rides. What you will do is go around on your motorcycles one night, all around Male’, yelling things like ‘Ganjabo’ (pothead) and finish it up in about half an hour. Small things like this need to be done.
What I’m saying is, this government is now appointing people to different posts and it’s getting structured in the manner we want. Now there is a lot of things that I can do. Material benefits can be gained, and lots of other things. Credit from STO (State Trading Organisation) worth millions of rufiya, that’s absolutely welcome. Do you get it? Then maybe funds are needed for some activity, for example, ‘Please arrange this amount of cash needed for something’. I will get that done. Or perhaps, ‘From this project, give us this amount of money’. Now when it’s put like that, it seems somewhat twisted to me. I tend to see that like cutting a ‘deal’.
Unidentified person 1: Like a deal, eh?
Faiz: (unclear) so what I, too, want is to (unclear) all of us staying in connection (unclear) can go even higher than that. If this government continues to stay in power, if I continue to stay in there, then something will come out of this, right? For example, freeing someone who’s been put in jail. These are things which do not involve money that I can get done simply through a single phone call. So…
Unidentified person 1: Is there anyone you need to be set free from jail?
Unidentified person 2: Not yet. We’ll have to get someone in there first.
Faiz: Eh?
Person 2: We’ll have to get someone in there, to then get him released.
Faiz: Yes.
(laughing)
Faiz: So, I’ve told you what needs to be done, generally. Tell me an approximate amount.
Person 1: Faiz, you tell us an amount.
Faiz: No, no, I won’t name an amount.
Person 1: No, you don’t name a price. Let Faiz.
Person 2: Wait, wait, wait.
Faiz: Ok, now, the President knows very well that the youth are angry for this particular reason. The President is not at all happy about having to give some posts to PPM people. He has put them into posts which will be the least influential when it comes to matters of the state.
The truth is that there is quite a lot of support for Maumoon too, and we have to accept that. If a political gathering is to be held in this country, at this moment it’s only PPM or MDP that can gather a good amount of people. No one else can do it, ok? This is the political reality of now.
We are not at all aiming to keep them close to us. The real objective is to destroy this… thing… that Maumoon has. This cannot be done by even Anni, or by anyone else in this country, unless we stay within them, and let them into the government. There is simply no other way. Now I’ve gone and said something I was not meaning to share! I have just shared with you a huge secret.
There is no way anyone can rule this country by sidelining Maumoon. We have to bring in people close to Maumoon, the youthful, educated citizens… Do you know? Already, they are themselves extending offers, claiming they don’t want to work with Maumoon, they prefer Waheed and want to continue working with him. Asking Waheed to get ready for the next government, many of these high level people we speak of.
So, in truth, what we want is to wipe Maumoon out of the picture. We won’t bother DRP (Dhivehi Rayithunge Party). We know very well that they are not capable of taking any portion of the Maldives. What’s left is MDP. Efforts are underway now to clean out MDP too. Even now the evil people in it are being pushed out and it’s becoming cleaner. So that’s how things are now.
Okay now I am making way for a remuneration. Even this credit term that I am giving now is worth a lot of money.
Person 1: Yes, we believe that.
Faiz: Lots of money. If you have the will… now, I’m giving you credit for about 60 days, or 90 days, and even if there is still a slight delay, that’s also fine, so you can make money out of it.
Now in addition to this, I am guaranteeing you that I will get you a million rufiya, if you stay with us. That I will find you a million rufiya. In any case, I will have power within this government, until 2013, do you understand? In the next couple of days, next two weeks or so, this money that I have planned for will start coming into my hands. I am in a powerful position at a place where I can get the most money, neither a managing director nor a board member can be here in a way I disapprove. I have ensured that.
I do this work in STO too. I will be getting one or two hundred thousand rufiya. I will be getting money. The purpose of obtaining this money is to get this certain thing done. Not me getting rich. The President’s intention is to get this done. This is what he said at me even tonight. ‘What can you get done, Faiz?? What is there that you have asked for, Faiz, that hasn’t been met?’ So these things…
Faiz: I am assuring you 100 percent that as long as this government continues to be in power, and as long as what I ask for is done, I won’t walk away. If what is asked for is not given number one priority, than that area of the government will be no more, the person in charge of that area will be no more.
Unidentified person 1: We are saying it as it is…
Faiz: Keep watching. In the next two weeks I will (unclear). I know it might be hard. (unclear) won’t be going for a hundred thousand rufiya. So this must be around enough. I will help you out of the small hardships in your business. Make sure (unclear) can do business in the right way, okay?
Person 1: Okay, no problem
Faiz: So plan this out very well, ok. And if there are youth needing jobs, bring them. I’ll get them into STO. Then they will have permanent jobs too. Each of them will get about six to eight thousand rufiya as salary. And it won’t be easy to just fire and replace them or anything, okay?
We can only get things done in whatever way things go best at any given time, okay? I also have in my hands a company that the President has given me. That’s MNBC. I’m the Managing Director there. And through that I have about 9 or 10 million rufiya. If there is no other way, I’ll just wipe all of that out too. Seriously. If I have to do that for political reasons, I won’t hesitate at all. I won’t be reluctant to do anything it takes to protect the President’s post or the President himself. Then later, I will just have to burn all the paperwork. Even now I have 20 million rufiya.
Person1 : For real?
Faiz: yes
(laughing)
Faiz: It’s not just a job when handling the highest matters of the state. After I got out of that house at 1.30am in the morning, even now there will be some (expletive), and was just getting on my motorcycle in front of the Justice Building, he calls again and speaks of further things we can do.
I have spoken to him without anyone else there. Just him, his wife, and me, the three of us. He won’t talk about these things in front of any other being in this country, I swear by Allah.
I mean, you know Maumoon, right? His character and the cosmetic face that he shows? Waheed won’t show anything besides that to anyone, except for me. Now you get what I am saying, right? My stand is, this government is running with the participation of many political parties, it is nothing but a (expletive).
None of these (expletives) can do anything, there’s no one in there who even got a minister’s post without calling me first. Even Thasmeen and them come and ask for posts. Then we decide whether or not to give a post, or which post goes to whom. There isn’t even a single post that has been given in this government without first discussing it with me.
The first post that was guaranteed to a person in this government was one that I had asked for, that is the post of Managing Director at STO, the one in which that Shahid Ali is. That is something I did in my interest, and I swear, it is something I myself did. There is no one who hasn’t been coveting that post. I was offered five hundred thousand dollars to get Shahid Ali replaced by a person of Yameen’s choice. I said to him… what he said to me even at the beginning is that if you are uncomfortable by this, then we shall treat this as a conversation that never happened, and I replied saying this never happened.
I said this conversation never happened. Yameen said it never happened. And that was it, I got up and walked away. That (expletive) said to someone nearby that I am a very dangerous (expletive). Now I’ve told you of some of the problems in this government.
Now, I, and even the President, should know that even without any of these political parties, I can go out personally and show the numbers I speak of, that this is of value. Then I will not be hesitant regardless of how big a piece of the cake they cut. Why would I care (expletive)? Even if they ask to cut an electric cable, just cut it. Why would I care (expletive)? Who is going to come at me? I won’t hesitate at all. Now I have power.
Even if it is a coup government, they’ll just have to (expletive). I will activate whatever I want whenever I want. Even now, I can even activate the Police or MNDF or whatever. So what I am saying is there is nothing they can do against me even. So now I’ve given you complete power over everything, so go ahead with it…
Person 1: Yes
Faiz: …anything I cannot do. I am giving you my word, a person who shares a very close relationship like that which is amongst family.
(on phone) Hey you wait. I’m in a meeting with some people. I will call, will go, once this is done.
Unindentifed person 2: Who?
Faiz: These people are simply not worth marrying. It will be a lot more easier even if we just went ahead and became homosexuals.
(laughing)
Faiz: I will dish out more money than can be found in this country. That’s what you want, right? It’s what I want too. We share common terms among us all, right?
Person 1: Yes, so it’s okay with us. Shall we go?
Faiz: Okay, so here’s what should be done. When you’ve got those guys out, make sure that 30 to 40 of them are always on.
Person 1: On-call, right?
Faiz: On at coffees. Maybe at the cafe’ near the President’s Office. Spending time there, having coffees, doing other little things they need. Okay? That place should always be dominated by them. These cafe’s should be taken over.
Then there’s Al Fresco. These places should be taken over. Should you hear anything from any side, you should rush over. And then you will say things in support of the President, okay? Even in there, you should spend time on this. You should be in all the cafe’s these (expletive) go to.
Even that place near Moonimaage, go there too. So slowly take this work forward, and along with that… Even tonight, assuming Waheed would go to this meeting at Nasandhura, they went there.
But what was this really? It was a meeting held by the Japanese in remembrance of the tsunami victims. The Japanese had very bad things to say at the MDP people tonight. They are now ruining (expletives) themselves on their own, there are some people who have gone completely crazy in this. Lots of….
Faiz: I will cook this up very well, what I too want is money. I’m telling you the truth. I’m also in hardship now. My business is ruined, all due to being involved in this. My business started going down from the time I ran for a seat in the parliament. Things started going downhill then, and all this time I’ve been trying to recover from that. But in these past three years the government terminated all the projects I had taken. They’ve caused me huge loss. So when this loss was caused, I gave up all fear for my life or death and came out against them. And now I am the biggest key to having toppled that government.
Unknown: (unclear)
Faiz: I’m the biggest key to this change in government. All that was done, all the deals that were made, all that was done, all the people that we met with, within Defense, even within Police; nothing would have taken place without my knowledge, without my participation.
If this is a coup government and there is a death sentence given out, I will be among the first to be sentenced to death. So what even I want is money, do you understand? I’m telling you the truth, it is to gain money that I have come into this.
I will only be able to acquire money when the conditions to getting more money is put in place. We’ll be able to get more money now than we have ever managed to get from this country all our lives. This is what I want. I want money too.
The proposal to develop Thanburudhoo near Male’ as a boutique surf resort will halve the number of breaks open to local surfers and particularly impact safari operators due to the limited access, a group of local surfers have claimed.
According to the July 2011 proposal, submitted by senior Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) figures and Telos Investment, Telos would receive a 50 year lease on the military training island to develop a “boutique surf resort”, in exchange for US$5 million to develop an MNDF training facility on nearby Girifishi.
According to the proposal, the 3.6 hectare island “does not have the normal beauty found in Maldivian resorts”, as it does not have natural lagoon or sandy beaches. Furthermore, the strong currents limit recreational swimming, and therefore “the only development for Thanburudhoo which is sensible is that of a boutique surf resort.”
The surf resort would “open its doors to Maldivian surfers for a special surfing session twice per month,” the 2011 proposal notes.
“Unlike other resorts which do not allow local Maldivians to surf, Thanburudhoo would make available two surfing sessions per month, most likely Friday mornings or Saturday afternoons.
“The Maldivian surfers coming to Thanburudhoo for the special local surfing session must be in good standing with the Maldivian Surf Association and must abide by all the rules and regulations of Thanburudhoo surfing activities. Generally understood, the local surfers will not be on the resort island per se, but in the water surfing.”
Local surfers have slammed the idea. In a document circulated on social media, ‘Surfers’ Report on Thanburudhoo’, they argue that the island has two of the atoll’s four accessible waves (Sultans and Honkeys).
“If Thamburudhoo is a resort the only two accessible waves in the atoll are in Himmafushi (Jails) and Thulusdhoo (Cokes) – the number of accessible waves in the atoll is halved from four to two,” the document states.
Most of the waves in the atoll are claimed by their respective resorts, including Tombstones (Full Moon resort), Ninjas (Club Med Kani), Lhohis (Hudhuranfushi) and Chickens (Kuda Villingili).
The development of Thamburudhoo would lead to overcrowding of the remaining two waves, which “already have four surf camps each”, the surfers argue.
“There are 8-10 or more safari boats in this atoll during peak surf season. Each safari boat will have between 8 -12 surfers. Surfers from tourist resorts’ surf transfer boats can number between 10 – 30 or more from each resort. There are surf transfer boats operating from Dhonveli, Hudhuranfushi, Club Faru, Club Kani, Four Seasons, Paradise and Bandos expected each day,” the document claims.
“Surf tourism is putting food on the table for a lot of families and overcrowding of these waves could be disastrous to these surf camps. It is not right for the safari boats either since the number of surfable waves in the atoll just halved from four to two – they will lose clients or maybe even their businesses.
Furthermore, “Surf tourism is growing fast in the country and there are a number of locals who depend on these clients for their paycheck, such as; the surf guide, the captain and crew who work on the boats, and the people in the offices that operate these safaris. Some of these safari operations are not strong enough to run trips to the outer atolls. Besides the waves in most other atolls are not as consistent as the ones in North Male Atoll.”
As a result of the development, “surf tourism in this atoll will not be sustainable.”
Currently, Thanburudhoo was the only island in the atoll “that is freely accessible to both locals and foreigners. It is an uninhabited island and doesn’t have any local surfer population. Hence, no one can claim more ‘rights’ to those waves,” the surfers said.
“Maldivians have been surfing for centuries. Long before any white man showed up on these shores, or before anyone ever thought of making fiberglass surfboards, or before tourism was even a word. Blocking access to our waves is against sustaining a part of our culture. We believe that all the waves in this country should be free for all local waveriders to surf. These are our playgrounds.”
Minivan News sought comment from President of Telos Investment, Dr Gunnar Lee-Miller, however he had not responded at time of press.
Lee-Miller has previously stated that a “robust development plan” was being put in place for local surfers, and that discussions were under way with the Maldives Surfing Association over the issue.
The proposal stalled under the Nasheed government, according to former Economic Development Minister Mahmoud Razee, “partly due to timing”, but also concern over providing access to the surfing areas around the island.
However the development has now proceeded under the new administration, after the MNDF formed a joint venture company with the government last week.
In its original proposal, the MNDF argued that the development would allow needed infrastructure development on Girifushi.
“Since it began operations 22 years ago, Girifushi has never benefited from crucial infrastructure improvements. Without a proper harbour, and with outdated mechanical systems and insufficient support structures, Girifushi cannot sustain the operations and personnel it must so as to continue to be a productive base for the MNDF,” the proposal stated.
“Girifushi must undergo vital infrastructure improvements and thus, along with the construction of a leadership centre, this proposal seeks to acquire funding for the two most important infrastructure upgrades for Girifushi – a proper harbour area and increased area through land reclamation.”
The US$5 million obtained from Telos in exchange for the lease of Thanburudhoo would be “stretched” by deploying MNDF personnel to help build the leadership centre, the proposal notes.
The State Trading Organisation (STO) stated Thursday that the utility companies are close to MVR 350 million in debt to the state-owned company through the purchase of fuel using credit, reports local media.
In a press conference held in Velaanaage, Managing Director of STO Shahid Ali said that obtaining payments from the utility companies was a continuously problematic issue, but that he had observed it to be more difficult after December 2011.
Shahid also said that since the government held shares in STO, it required similar concessions as other government-owned companies.
Shahid said they are now undertaking discussions with relevant government authorities and the utility companies to settle the outstanding payments.
The opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) has now called off the daily protest demonstrations in the capital city of Male’, demanding early presidential polls ahead of those due in July-October 2013.
This in a way has revived the hopes of early resumption of the All-Party Roadmap Talks, initiated by President Mohammed Waheed Hassan at the insistence of visiting Indian Foreign Secretary Ranjan Mathai in March.
More importantly, the agenda for the Roadmap Talks have elements that have the nation’s long-term interests in mind, and on which a certain unanimity has emerged, owing to national compulsions that are for real.
Independent of existing expectations, both within the party and outside, the MDP leadership has gone ahead with the protest rally in the Islamic fasting month of Ramadan.
However with the Eid festival season arriving with consequences for the local community, including trade and business, the MDP seems to have thought better of it. The party said that the decision to withdraw the protests should lead to the revival of the peace talks, in which the MDP’s demand for fast-tracking presidential polls is a part of the agenda.
Reacting positively to the MDP’s decision, the President’s Office said that it would help in the revival of the Talks. Following protests against Vice-President Waheed Deen in suburban Hulhulumale Island, off Male’, President Waheed has since clarified that harassment of government officials should stop before he would consider participating in the talks.
President Waheed said that he was in continuous touch with Ahmed Mujuthaba, moderator for the All-Party Talks. He has also been promised by all participant parties that either their leaders or a senior deputy (with decision-making authority) would be fielded when the talks resumed. Earlier rounds had failed to reach any decision owing to the diffused focus of the talks and also improper representation by the parties.
Interestingly, the influential former President and founder-leader of the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM), Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, who had refused to return to the talks until his successor Mohamed Nasheed tendered an ‘unconditional apology’ for charging him with a plot behind the latter’s February 7 resignation, has not reacted yet to the protest-withdrawal by the MDP. He was not satisfied with the ‘qualified apology’ tendered by Nasheed’s aides, and has also said that despite the international probe that is now on, he would not accept the ‘coup theory’.
Intermediate confusion however crept in after the MDP interpreted the All-Party Talks being called by Vice-President Deen for resuming the stalled Parliament session, as one leading to early elections. The government has since clarified that the Vice-President’s talks flowed from Speaker Abdullah Shahid’s decision to indefinitely suspend the proceedings of the Majlis on July 31, following days of interruptions in the house. In a way, any decision on early resumption of Parliament session will help create the right environment for the revival of the Roadmap Talks, too.
Will the CoNI report come in handy?
Independent of the agenda-point on early presidential polls, the Roadmap Talks concerns national priorities that have been overtaken time and again by the political developments of the past years. On presidential polls, there is a general agreement that the international probe by the Commission of National Inquiry (CoNI) appointed by President Waheed, holds the key. The probe, with a retired Singaporean Judge on board, is expected to submit its report by the extended deadline of August 31.
Some government parties have since murmured their protests about the inclusion of an MDP nominee in the probe. Yet, they did not contest the nominations when the government – of which they were all a part – made its original nominations.
However, there is a greater realisation that any advancement of the presidential polls can be done only by Parliament amending the Constitution through a two-thirds majority, or by President Waheed quitting office, based on a public statement to the effect after the MDP flagged the ‘plot theory’ in the aftermath of President Nasheed’s resignation.
In the latter case, too, there is no constitutional guarantee to the effect, nor is the constitutional position clear. Under the law, the Vice-President steps into the shoes of the President, as Waheed did, and unless the former too quits, there be no case for early polls, it is argued. Under the Constitution, the Parliament Speaker takes over if the top two jobs become vacant, and has to conduct presidential polls within three months. Whether the CoNI report could lead to such a situation, or if the MDP would return to the streets, either way are questions for the future.
Commonality yes, consensus, not yet
On larger issues that have been flagged at the Roadmap Talks, there is some commonality of approach in individual parties, and across the board in many others. On the issue of early elections, for instance, the Dhivehi Rayyathunge Party (DRP), which is a partner in the government, has said that it would support the MDP position (without saying so) if the CoNI report endorsed the ‘plot theory’. With the DRP’s backing as the party-wise position in Parliament now stands, the MDP could hope to get the Constitution amended to facilitate early polls. But there are ifs and buts there too.
However, a consensus of sorts is required to emerge, at least among the major political players, if only to ensure stability of the polity and continuity of policies, independent of the party or leader elected to power. It would be more so considering the inherent inability of the Maldivian polity to throw up a strong president with a first round victory for self on his own and his party’s steam. Worse still would be the situation of the kind that haunted the Nasheed presidency, when the government party did not enjoy a parliamentary majority, required for amending laws, reflecting the political agenda and electoral manifesto of the president or of the parliamentary majority – whenever it cannot be both.
On governance issues, on which the MDP had quarrels with the rest of the nation’s polity even while President Nasheed was in office, the party may be tempted to have a relook at its position since. For instance, the Civil Court and the High Court have consistently come down on the Maldives Police Force for forcing the MDP cadres out of their Usfasgandu ‘camp site’ in Male. A legal row has emerged between the government and the MDP-controlled Male Municipal Council over the usage of the Usfasgandu property, taken out on lease by the latter.
The MDP thus may have to relook its position on institutional reforms. In the case of the judiciary, for instance, the party should wait till the seven-year deadline for empowerment and training ends. Having talked about institutional reforms much while President Nasheed was in office, the MDP should instead be working on a roadmap with specifics on training and legislation, possibly as a part of its promised poll manifesto.
On other issues of common concern outlined in the agenda for the Roadmap Talks, economic issues take a high place. Independent of what individual parties have to say in public, there is a general acceptance about the need for relooking at the budget and economic issues. If the Nasheed Government was vociferous in proceeding with economic reforms, subsidies-cut and increasing the tax revenue to the government, the successor Waheed government has proceeded on similar and at times stronger lines. Government leaders are not shy of talking about austerity measures, and government parties cannot change halfway through.
On the equally sensitive issue of allowing resorts on inhabited islands, which was among the charges levelled against the Nasheed Government, the Waheed presidency has since granted permission for allowing a third party to set up a resort on Thanburudh island training and recreation facility of the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF), the nation’s army.
While it may be a stand-alone case, compared to sanction for resorts in other inhabited islands, the question remains if that third-party could involve overseas investors or partners, in the context of the controversy still surrounding the ‘GMR contract’ for the airport project.
In this context that the Waheed Government’s current initiative for amending the Finance Act, to give the Executive freedom from parliamentary oversight and passage for selling public assets to private parties assumes significance, in political and economic terms.
As may be recalled, Parliament rushed to amend the Finance Act in 2010 after the Nahseed Government had entered into the Male airport modernisation contract with the Indian infrastructure giant, the GMR Group. It is another matter that the GMR contract did not involve the sale of any Maldivian Government assets, yet the otherwise divided opposition of the times, all of them now on the Treasury Bench, joined hands, among other things, to depict the modernisation contract as an ‘assets sale’.
Questions also remain about the wisdom of the present government entering into a joint venture with the MNDF, for the new company to enter into businesses and investments, to augment the budget for the nation’s defence forces. Experience elsewhere in South Asia too has proved that independent economic resources in the hands of the armed forces, if only after a long time, have made the services independent of the nation’s political and bureaucratic leadership in other ways, too.
Though not mentioned in the Roadmap Talks, such are also issues on which a national consensus needs to evolve, and clarity and consistency thrown into the operationalisation of whatever decision that is arrived at.
All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]
The author is a Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation.
Resort tycoon and leader of the government coalition Jumhoree Party (JP), Gasim Ibrahim, has called for the resignation of Speaker of Parliament Abdulla Shahid, after he did not appear at high-level talks on Tuesday morning.
Shahid made the decision to suspend Parliament indefinitely pending a resolution to the ongoing political turmoil.
Gasim was reported as stating in local media that “if the Speaker had any sincerity he would have been here.”
The latest round of informal parliament-initiated talks – running parallel to the formal All-Party talks – were to involve a series of high-level discussions between senior party leaders. The all-party talks are one track of the international community’s response to the political turmoil in the Maldives, together with the Commonwealth-backed Commission of National Inquiry (CNI).
A UN source disputed that the all-party talks had collapsed, stating that “on the contrary we are still hoping to reach agreement on holding them again soon.”
The previous round of the UN-mediated talks, held at Vice President Waheed Deen’s Bandos Island Resort and Spa in early June, collapsed after parties aligned with the government presented the ousted Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) with a list of 30 demands.
The list included calls that the MDP “stop practicing black magic and sorcery”, “stop the use of sexual and erotic tools”, and “not walk in groups of more than 10”.
Following the Bandos retreat, Convenor of the All-Party talks, Ahmed Mujuthaba, acknowledged the lack of progress and suggested that “In the end, the most senior political leaders will need to create an atmosphere conducive to discussions, and come together prepared to work in good faith.”
Following this morning’s meeting, Gasim observed to local media that “parliamentary group leaders of the so called big parties, Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM), Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) and MDP were absent.”
Speaking to reporters outside the President’s Office, MDP MP Ali Waheed revealed that the party made two proposals, which were for all parties to agree to early elections or to determine a course of action based on the conclusions of the CNI report.
“Going for an early election would certainly cool the political atmosphere. Then we talked about how to act on the CoNI report due on the 30th this month. [We said] if they conclude it was a coup d’etat, President Nasheed should be reinstated and there won’t be any further discussions on that. If it was not a coup, if they conclude that the transfer of power was constitutional, we will wait for 2013,” the deputy leader of the MDP parliamentary group explained.
He added however that those found by the commission to have violated the law or committed criminal acts should face prosecution.
Ali Waheed said he expected a response from the President’s Office to the MDP’s proposals.
Gasim told reporters that participating in such talks was “meaningless” as the subject of resuming Majlis sittings was not discussed.
JP would not participate in any further talks until a solution to resuming sittings could be sought through parliament, Gasim said.
Correction: An earlier version of this article inaccurately stated that talks were part of the India-initiated All-Party talks. The talks were parliament-initiated.
Turkish Airlines has announced the launch of a scheduled service to Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA) from November 24, 2012.
The Airbus A330 will serve Male’ five times weekly, connecting the Maldives to the airline’s hub at Istanbul Ataturk airport.
CEO of GMR Male International Airport, Andrew Harrison, said service was the first ever between the two countries.
“Turkish Airlines gives our tourists, business travelers and cargo options for connectivity to Male’ from all over the world via Turkish Airlines extremely well connected hub at Istanbul. This is very good news for tourism in both countries and we are pleased that passengers travelling with Turkish Airlines to the Maldives will be able to experience the true essence of Maldivian hospitality and the natural beauty of this amazing country,” Harrison said.
“The launch of scheduled services also means that Maldivians can take advantage of direct flights to Turkey and beyond on Turkish Airlines and other Star Alliance partners.”
“I am talking about a moral deficit. I am talking about an empathy deficit. I am talking about an inability to recognise ourselves in one another; to understand that we are our brother’s keeper; we are our sister’s keeper.’ In his speech on Martin Luther King Day, President Obama points out the inexorable link between empathy and morality.
Obama’s speech is not merely sophisticated political rhetoric as scientific research backs up this connection. Recent publications such as Paul J. Zak’s book ‘The Moral Molecule’ and Christopher Boehm’s ‘Moral Origins’ all point out that morality binds and builds societies. Whether morality is a cultural construct or is purely biological in nature, this ‘moral advantage’ allows humans, unlike other primates, to live in large and complex societies.
Paul J. Zak’s work, published in ‘Psychology Today’ in September, 2011, further explains that an ancient molecule in the human brain – oxytocin – makes us feel empathy for others. Zak’s experiments, involving thousands of people, show conclusively that the large majority of people release oxytocin when they receive the appropriate social signals.
Some, however, are deficient in this ‘moral molecule’. This deficiency has huge implications for the state of the Maldives today.
In laymen’s terms, his argument is that the overwhelming majority of the human species is capable of compassion and empathy, but a small percentage lack the ability to put themselves in other people’s shoes. They are unable to function within the moral boundaries of normal society.
This is exactly what is happening in the Maldives. The regime is a terrifying example of how a few free-riders can highjack the lives of the many until chaos becomes the norm for everyone.
Humanity has always grappled with the concepts of good and bad. Not surprisingly, therefore, the fundamental building blocks of all religious philosophies, consist of the steps we must follow to live moral lives and avoid the temptation of evil. Philosophers, theologians and artists as varied in time and background as Socrates, Martin Luther and Arundhati Roy have filled our museums, libraries, airways and cyber-space with their interpretations of these opposing forces in a societal context.
However, within this huge explosion of concepts, some threads of commonality emerge. A moral life consistently highlights compassion, co-operation and a commitment to the well-being of others. People like Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and Mother Teresa stand out as beacons of moral excellence.
Moral failure, however, is constantly depicted as aggressive self-interest, greed and the inability to feel for other people. Here too we are not short of examples: Stalin, Josef Mengele, and more recently Pol Pot have shown us the corrosive and horrifying effects of moral paucity, when it is fortified with political power.
The list, compiled in July this year by the United Nations Human Rights Committee on torture and ill-treatment of political prisoners under Gayoom’s regime demonstrates the social consequences of allowing Machiavellian self-interest to replace empathy and compassion which underpin the moral imperatives of a society.
The list is as long as it is terrifying; terrifying because this is carefully planned and executed violence, not the actions of someone striking back in anger in the heat of the moment. It is about ‘systematic and systemic torture,’ the report emphasises.
‘Forms of torture and ill-treatment included the use of suspension, lengthy use of stocks, being beaten with fists and bars, kicked, blindfolded, handcuffed, the dislocation of joints, breaking of bones, …being drowned or forced into the sea, being put into water tanks, being burned…being covered in sugar water or leaves to attract ants…routine sexual assault and humiliation… Many testimonies suggest the only limit to the torture and ill-treatment imposed was the imagination of whose control they were under.’
It is an indictment of our moral landscape and a hugely disturbing commentary of how cruelty and lack of empathy impacts on the lives of ordinary people.
What is generally regarded by Gayoom’s regime as ‘tactics’ to keep people submissive, is vastly different in human and social terms. It involves suffering on a scale that has not been fully documented-suffering that is endured not only by the individuals concerned, but the families of these individuals and thus Maldivian society at large.
It is extremely devastating to the nation therefore, that this violence has returned again like a repetitive cancer. The need to focus on this is all the more pressing because of the events of February 7 and the on-going atrocities of the regime.
Mariya Didi, a female activist beaten on February 8th. The Chairperson of the Maldivian Democratic Party, Reeko Moosa Manik, brutalised and hospitalised in Sri Lanka and later in Singapore for head injuries. The unwarranted destruction of Haruge, the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) campaign centre. People arrested in Addu, beaten and stripped in front of their families. The list, once again, is growing. The use of the baton and pepper spray against demonstrators has become a daily routine of the very people who are employed ‘to protect and serve.’
Synonymous with Gayoom’s regime, this recurring cancer in the very heart of the Maldivian society, affects the whole nation. Their belief that violence will stay contained, to be used with impunity but only by the regime, and people in civil society will simply accept it as necessary for social harmony, is as mistaken as it is dangerous. Violence dismantles all the moderating influences that hold society together, allowing the more extreme elements to play havoc in the ensuing climate of fear and instability. The recent upsurge in violent crimes in the Maldives is one of the more obvious results of such moral disorientation, but we must not dismiss the fact that there are other more insidious consequences of this failure to govern wisely and justly.
How does such a culture of violence develop? The culture ultimately comes from the top. Gayoom’s regime was and still is propped up by a culture of brutality that was developed and nurtured under his long presidency. His finely honed megalomaniac and narcissist desires, to be the feudal lord, are the major reasons behind it. He may continue to defend himself against the accusations of several hundred custodial deaths during his presidency, but the well-known litany of human right abuse, now documented by the United Nations, is not going to go away.
The return of these tactics is heralded by the reappearance of the hard men of the regime in public office; men like Abdulla Riyaz and Mohamed Nazim who are house-hold names in the Maldives, not because of their valour in protecting and serving the nation, but because of their brutality. The old ‘Star Force’ and National Security Service personnel are indeed back in business so that the rich and the elite of the society can continue to bleed the nation of its wealth, both literally and metaphorically.
Into this unholy mix is added the indifference of Mohamed Waheed Hassan; a man whose life-long desire is to be president, simply to be president, but not to lead the nation. This personal need, which he places above loyalty, compassion, love and care, is just a desire. The nation is literally bleeding and he is content to be an on-looker and let the old regime do as they see fit. The voices of his people are as remote to him as was the moon to our ancestors. His lack of empathy and commitment to his people can most fittingly be judged by the words of Coretta Scott King, the widow of Martin Luther King Jr. ‘The lack of will-power to help humanity is a sick and sinister form of violence.’
And if literature reflects the frailty of the man, surely he is in Dante’s Inferno, in a state of limbo, not strong enough or committed enough to be either in heaven or hell.
This cynical triumvirate, Gayoom with his delusions of grandeur, Riyaz and Nazim, his ruthless henchmen, and Waheed, the indifferent public face of the regime, hold the nation in their brutal hands. At the very top echelon of our society, where we the subjects look for leadership and care, compassion and empathy have been traded for greed and self-interest. Their violence, their lack of empathy for the people, and most importantly, their perversion of justice create a moral wilderness that has the power to destroy every value that we, as a nation, hold dear.
A moral vacuum grows multifariously like an aggressive cancer. As the number of political detainees increase and the streets fill with the well-rehearsed violence of some members of the Maldives Police Service (MPS) and Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) we must realise that violence is now out in the public domain, not hidden behind walls or on heavily guarded islands, as it had been in the last thirty years. It is now bolder and more indifferent to public opinion. Violence has this ability to prosper, escalate and re-invent itself in a variety of guises as it did in Dachau and Auschwitz.
We cannot therefore assume that we know what form the violence perpetrated by the regime, will take; nor can we predict the next set of victims. Could it be those who have simply waited for things to quieten down? Regardless of our political affiliations, or the lack of it, the inescapable conclusion we must all come to is that, this is no longer a political debate. There is a vital issue of right and wrong underpinning the chaos in the Maldives.
It is important to highlight the fact that the patriarchal and oligarchical ideology of the regime has failed to withstand the liberating influences of time and technology. Social justice is no longer an academic term in the Maldives. Thousands of free thinking citizens are fully committed to making positive changes to the lives of all Maldivians; not just a selected few. The only way the regime can hold on to power is to increase their control by more and more violent means and decrease the rights of the people in whose name they govern. Those who benefit from the return of the regime cannot abrogate their moral responsibly by simply advising them ‘not to go overboard.’ This regime has to go overboard to keep their grip on power and to keep the elite of the society in the lifestyle they have become accustomed to.
We, the citizens of Maldives, are the victims of a moral deficit. We are also the victims of an empathy deficit. Violence, torture, restrictions on our basic human rights and most importantly, the failure of justice to function effectively are all part of this deficit. It is the work of a minority of the population with weapons in their hands, malice in their hearts and greed in their souls.
The ‘moral majority’- the old ‘silent majority’- is a phrase that is often bandied about in the media and day to day conversation. However, the moral, the silent majority must now take centre stage in the Maldives. It is doubtful that any international body such as the United Nations or even the Commonwealth would interfere in the internal affairs of a country to the extent that is required to make the ‘radical changes’ that the United Nations recommends. Nor is it likely that some power from providence will come to our rescue.
People with a clear sense of right and wrong, within civil society, the police and armed forces, must affect this change. It is for all citizens – the moral majority, the once silent majority – to define the moral climate we live in.
We cannot look to others to remove the growing tumour of violence perpetuated and nurtured by a handful of people who have nothing to offer to the nation other than their indifference and greed. We must act. We must make our voices heard. As Edmund Burke so aptly put it, ‘All that is required for evil to prosper is for good men to do nothing.’
Can we afford to do nothing?
All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]
Maldives National Defense Force (MNDF) has confirmed plans to develop a tourist resort on the island of Thanburudhoo, currently being used by the military for training and recreational purposes.
The confirmation comes just a week following the registration of the MNDF Welfare Company, created in a bid to generate income to fund welfare services for the armed forces by investing in various businesses, including the tourism sector.
Speaking to Minivan News on Sunday, Lieutenant Abdullah Ali explained that the MNDF is not going to play any direct role in the development of the resort, and that the island would be leased to a third party.
He claimed that the concept of developing the training island as a tourist resort was approved by the former government in 2010, but that work had stalled “for various reasons”.
“However, we have started that process again, and the discussions are continuing,” Lieutenant Ali said.
He also added that the MNDF Welfare Company is “going to be involved” in the project.
“MNDF Welfare Company is going to do tourism, real estate and other potentially lucrative businesses in the future. Our aim is to help reduce state expenditure by self-generating revenue to fund welfare services of the defense force.” Ali observed.
Former Tourism Minister Dr. Mariyam Zulfa confirmed to Minivan News that the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) government endorsed the Thanburudhoo project back in 2010, but said the President Mohamed Nasheed’s administration had never decided to involve the Defense Ministry or MNDF’ in the project.
“MDP believes in a center right system where the government has little or no control over the economy and promote privatisation. Defense Ministry or MNDF – whichever name u call it – it is still the government. So we would of course never support them to be involved in the project.” Zulfa observed.
She added: “As you know during Former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom several uninhabited islands were given to various ministries. So the only reason Defense Ministry’s name appeared in the documents was because the island was registered under the ministry.”
Dr. Zulfa stated that the proposal was initially submitted by individual named Dr Gunnar Lee-Miller, who proposed to develop Thanburudhoo as a surfing resort. The nearby waters host beautiful dive sites and a popular surf-break, which attract many local and foreign surfers.
“We though it was a good proposal and supported it at the time, but the lease transfer was not signed,” Former Tourism Minister contended. “However, I don’t have any details of what happened with the project, following the MDP’s ousting from power on February 7.”
Minivan News contacted Gunnar Lee-Miller seeking to verify whether he was still negotiating with the authorities to secure the island, however Lee-Miller said that it was “not a good time” and hung up the phone. Further attempts to seek comment were met with no response.
Lee-Miller is identified as the President of Telos Investment, a private investment holding firm based in Singapore. The firm is leading the Five Islands project, which involves the development of three integrated resorts over five islands and nine square kilometres of lagoon in Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll. The project was contracted to the company under former government’s Corporate Social Responsibility(CRS) scheme, in return for establishing high-end sporting facilities in the country.
A speaker profile for Lee-Miller on the website of the Hotel Investment Conference Asia Pacific (HICAP) states that the developer “was recently appointed Senior Advisor to the Maldives National Sports Council assisting in all national sport and sport tourism development projects.”
Surfer controversy
Several local surfers have meanwhile raised concerns on social networks, claiming that the Thamburudhoo project involved dredging and reclaiming the surrounding area of the island reef, which would destroy the popular surfing spot.
Banzai Bongo, a well-known local surfer, wrote on Facebook: “This is going to affect the natural current flow of the surrounding waves such as Jailbreaks, Honkies, Sultans and Pasta. Moreover, it will destroy dive spots around this area. So the government’s best interest is to annihilate our natural resources which includes world class surf sites and dive sites.”
Bongo called for surfers to “save these waves like we all stood against the state and saved the Trestles. Save it for or children, save it for the future.”
The Maldivian Surfing Association (MSA) said it would be issuing an official statement.
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