Nazim appears in court over corruption allegations, requests lawyer

Deputy Speaker of Parliament and MP of opposition coalition partner the People’s Alliance (PA), Ahmed Nazim, was today summoned to the Criminal Court for a hearing of a corruption case filed against him, with the Prosecutor General’s Office accusing him of gaining money through fraudulent transactions.

Criminal Court Judge Saeed Ibrahim granted Nazim’s request for seven days in which to seek a lawyer, after he was given the opportunity to respond to the accusations.

Judge Ibrahim said the trial would continue without notice if Nazim failed to produce a lawyer by the deadline.

The case is the second to be lodged against Nazim by the Prosecutor General’s office.

State Prosecutor Abdulla Rabiu alleged that Nazim, used the equipment and staff of Namira Engineering and Trading Private Limited of which he was the managing director to propose a bid in the name of a company called Tech Media Services, not registered in the Maldives.

At a press conference in August 2009, Chief Inspector Ismail Atheef said police had uncovered evidence that implicated Nazim, former Atolls Minister Abdulla Hameed and Eydhafushi MP Ahmed “Redwave” Saleem, former director of finance, in fraudulent transactions worth over Rf3,446,950 (US$270,000).

Police presented numerous quotations, agreements, tender documents, receipts, bank statements and forged cheques, claiming they proved that Nazim received hundreds of thousands of dollars in the scam.

A hard disk seized during a raid of Nazim’s office in May allegedly contained copies of forged documents and bogus letter heads.

Furthermore Nazim’s wife Zeenath Abdullah had abused her position as a manager of the Bank of Maldives’ Villingili branch to deposit proceeds of the fraudulent conspiracy, police alleged.

Hameed, also long-serving Speaker of the People’s Majlis, played a key role in the fraud by handing out bids without public announcements, making advance payments using cheques against the state asset and finance regulations, approving bid documents for unregistered companies and discriminatory treatment of bid applicants, police claimed.

In April this year, police confirmed a request from the Criminal Court to bring Hameed before a court in the Maldives, after a summons could not be delivered to him in a pending case.

Several hearings have been cancelled in the high-profile corruption case involving Hameed, who is the brother of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, after the court was unable to determine his whereabouts and deliver a summons.

Nazim was not responding to calls at time of press.

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MDP one vote behind combined opposition, as MP Raheem joins party

Former opposition Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) MP Abdulla Abdu Raheem has signed with the ruling Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) after resigning from his previous party earlier this week.

Raheem marked his signing at an MDP rally yesterday with a speech in which he called for the government to resolve the country’s currency crisis by “getting rid of Maldives Monetary Authority (MMA) Governor, Fazeel Najeeb.”

”Instead of giving high priority to his responsibilities in that position, he gives priority to other things in life,” Raheem claimed.

Raheem’s joining the MDP follows in the footsteps of the former DRP Deputy Leader Ali Waheed, DRP Sports Wing head Hassan Shujau and deputy head Assad ‘Adubarey’ Ali, and leaves the MDP one vote behind the allied opposition parties.

With Raheem the MDP’s parliamentary group controls 35 votes, including MP ‘Redwave’ Saleem who has signed a coalition agreement to vote with the party.

The alliance of opposition parties, including the DRP, Jumhoree Party (JP), Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP) and the People’s Alliance (PA) control 36 votes, although given the present hostility between Gayoom’s faction of the DRP and that of Leader Ahmed Thasmeen Ali, this tally is less than assured.

Neither the MDP or the opposition parties control a brute voting majority of 39 in the 77 member Majlis, a situation with the potential to give the balance of power to the six independents: Ismail Abdul Hameed, Ahmed ‘Sun’ Shiyam Mohamed, Ahmed Amir, Ibrahim Riza and Mohamed Zubair.

Independent MP Mohamed Nasheed predicted that closely-fought bills – such as the government’s proposed income tax on those earning over Rf 30,000 – could potentially be swung by the independent votes.

“Since the parliament is going to be nearly equally divided between government and opposition, come June my inclination is that in matters where a clear parliamentary majority of 39 votes is required, responsible decision making from the independents will be crucial,” Nasheed told Minivan News.

MDP MP Eva Abdulla said the party was starting the next session of parliament “with an entire legislative package to implement the government’s economic policy, including a number of amendments as well as new bills, mainly taxation. “

While a number of MPs had already expressed opposition to the income tax bill, “these bills have been widely discussed with stakeholders and we feel the opposition is coming by and large from those still adamant on defending their own vested financial interests,” she said. “This is what they have done in parliament for the last two years.”

“We are confident that with the new majority not only can we pursue the legislative requirements of the government’s economic policy more smoothly, but also reverse some of the laws they had previously disfigured,” she said.

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Comment: Dead babies do not lie

The decomposing corpse of a dead baby was found in a polythene bag, in the park near the mosque in Hulhumale’ yesterday. The baby was possibly strangled to death by an underwear wrung tightly around its frail neck.

Two days ago, a three month old foetus was found discarded in a tin can, hidden in the bushes on the adjacent island of Vilingili.

Earlier this month, the corpse of another foetus was found underwater at the swimming track in Male’, with cuts and wounds to its head and limbs.

Just a few months ago, yet another baby was found – still breathing – abandoned near a cell phone tower in Hulhumale.

Much has been written about the apparent increase in such cases, and the need to bring the perpetrators to justice.

But even as the tide of outrage swells and recedes with each breaking story of a dead or mutilated baby found abandoned in the islands, there is the issue at the heart of the matter that the worthy, indignant citizens have yet to address.

Dhivehi social attitudes, dictated by religious mores that lay greater stress on appearances and labels than on any visible code of conduct or value system, have created a society where pre-marital and extra-marital sex is widely prevalent and tolerated, but open discussions on contraception and sex-education is still taboo.

We don’t need no education

Dr Mauroof Hussein, reportedly the sole contender for vice-presidency of the Adhaalath party, complained on his personal blog in 2009 about a public ad for contraception. In the same post, he equates ‘safe-sex’ education allegedly provided by counsellors to senior students on one island, to “fornicating without getting pregnant”.

Referring to condoms as “one of the pillars of the modern uncivilization(sic)”, he also expresses worries about having to enlighten his own child about such immorality as knowledge of safe sex.

While the good doctor calls the public interest ads ‘immoral and stupid’, the dead babies discarded in tin cans and polythene bags would suggest otherwise.

World over, the mullah, the bishop and the rabbi have united to advocate striking the fear of God into the hearts of potential sinners as the ‘only solution’ to prevent unplanned pregnancy, but until such day as this can be achieved, there clearly needs to be steps taken to generate greater sexual awareness among the young and sexually active.

One of the great travesties of clerical opposition towards reproductive sciences is their adamant stance that sex-education is somehow the same as encouraging young men and women to engage in ‘fornication’.

This rather unfortunate fixation of the mullah on ‘fornication’ blinds them to the fact that sex-education does not, in fact, involve classroom orgies – and that it is ignorance that results in thousands of unplanned teenage pregnancies every year, not condom ads.

Adolescents and teenagers desperately need the tools of education, not the shelter of ignorance, in order to understand and deal with the rapid physiological and hormonal changes occurring in them.
In a society where convicted paedophiles proudly strut about in the streets, or run Qur’an centres that provide unlimited access to young children, a well-rounded, early sex-education could ensure that young children are well-equipped to identify and guard themselves against sexual abuse.

Young men and women who are well-informed about protective sex, venereal diseases, and the nature and risks of contraception, STDs and pregnancy are much less likely to engage in irresponsible sexual behaviour than those that aren’t.

Abstinence-only education, on the other hand, shies away from openly discussing matters of reproduction, and has failed spectacularly in tackling the issue of pre-marital pregnancies – even though the influence of the Church and the Mosque means that billions continue to be poured down this endless drain.

In the absence of readily accessible scientific information about sex, young people turn to dubious pornographic websites, exaggerating peers and commercialized sex in music videos that objectify women, contain demeaning lyrics and gives exactly the wrong message.

Without a clear understanding of sex in the proper social and biological contexts, or proper scientific understanding of the consequences, it is hardly surprising that young Maldivians frequently engage in risky sexual behaviour – resulting in hundreds of unplanned pregnancies.

An undesired pandemic

According to reports, two of the babies found in the past months were foetuses, ripped prematurely from the womb. The other babies were also seemingly discarded immediately upon birth, with the placenta and umbilical cords still attached.

It doesn’t take NASA to figure out these were botched attempts to deal with undesired pregnancies.

Abortions are illegal in the Maldives, except if the mother’s life is at risk, or the child suffers from a severe congenital defect.

While there is plenty of anecdotal evidence of Maldivians flying to neighbouring ports of India and Sri Lanka to have their unwanted pregnancies ‘fixed’, many teenagers and other young people are unable to afford such trips and find themselves staring at a lifetime of severe social stigma and ostracism, as well as the added pain and humiliation of public flogging by the long arms of Maldivian justice.

What results is a gut-wrenching nightmare that makes for uncomfortable reading.

While in some another countries, the women could have approached a qualified doctor and terminated the pregnancy in a safe, controlled manner – in the Maldives, the task falls into the hands of unqualified quacks and shady ‘uncles’.

Some are repeatedly punched in the stomach to force a miscarriage. Others have objects such as knitting needles and coat hangers inserted into the vagina to tear the amniotic sac. The risk of potentially fatal infections and perforated intestines in these cases cannot be understated.

Girls, often as young as 12, have illegal prescription drugs, poisonous herbs, fabric bleach, kerosene and other toxic concoctions pumped into their uterus, sometimes with fatal results.

Worldwide, 21.5 million women underwent unsafe abortions in 2008, according to a paper published by the World Health Organization in 2011.

The WHO also estimates that 5 women die every hour from botched attempts at abortions.

Research compiled by the Guttmacher Institute in February 2011 suggests over 47,000 women die every year from complications resulting from risky abortion procedures, including hemorrhage, sepsis, shock and multiple organ failure – accounting for about 13% of all maternal deaths.

Of those who survive, over five million suffer from long term health complications, according to a 2009 paper titled ‘Unsafe Abortion: Maternal Mortality’ by Dr Lisa B. Haddad and Dr. Nawal M. Nour.

With almost half of all induced abortions worldwide deemed to be unsafe, Dhivehin need to acknowledge that this issue transcends mere crime and punishment, or mere outrage at aborted foetuses.

It is quite literally a matter of life and death for hundreds of young girls who find themselves in the loneliest spot in the world – caught in a situation that they’re either too immature or ill-equipped to deal with, finding the young promise of the rest of their lives suddenly snatched away, and having absolutely no one – no family, or support group, or NGO, or doctor to approach.

The tiny corpses unearthed across the capital region could be explained – if not justified – as the result of sheer panic and emotional distress, but the lives of hundreds of young women are at risk every day at the hands of a society that won’t extend a safety net of empathy, support – or safe abortion rights.

The combined grip of social stigma, lack of sex-education and awareness, an insensitive legal system, absent support and rehabilitation process and an emerging section of society that seeks to address every problem with the much favoured tools of intimidation and shame has left society vulnerable to making murderers out of unwed mothers.

These are ugly realities that the Government and Dhivehi society equally refuse to confront, and choose to stow away instead – much like the dead babies hidden away in the bushes.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Moosa misleading public over court’s ruling on Isthafa’s arrest, alleges High Court

The High Court has issued a statement regarding condemning comments made by Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) Parliamentary Group Leader and MP ‘Reeko’ Moosa Manik, concerning its decision to order the release of former chief prison warden ‘Isthafa’ Ibrahim Mohamed Manik following his arrest in a torture inquiry.

The High Court accused Moosa of falsely stating that the court had ruled that Manik was innocent, in an attempt to mislead the public.

High Court said it had only ruled on a case filed in the court claiming that the court warrant issued by Maafushi Court, in Kaafu Atoll Maafushi, to extend Manik’s detention was unlawful.

‘’He was released by the court as there was no witness or evidence presented to the court that the court could weight in favor of keeping him in detention, and the court finds that the warrant issued by Maafushi court was against the Supreme Court’s procedures followed in such situations,” said the High Court.

The High Court also stated that the court wanted to make it clear to the public that the trial was not conducted to determine whether Manik was guilty of a crime or not, and asked for the public to respect its rulings.

Moosa made his remarks during a special rally held last night, where former opposition Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) MP Abdulla Abdu-Raheem signed with the MDP.

Speaking at the rally, Moosa said the day that MDP won a majority in parliament would be a day “that members of the independent commission members and judiciary should bear in mind.”

The High Court bench, consisting five judges, was appointed by the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) in March this year.

The five judges included the lawyer of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, Abbas Shareef, former Juvenile Court Chief Judge Shuaib Hussein Zakariya, former Law Commission member Dr Azmiralda Zahir, Former Civil Court registrar Abdu Rauf Ibrahim, and Former Civil Court Chief Judge Ali Sameer.

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Former head warden Isthafa denies torture allegations, as police appeal for victims to come forward

Former chief prison warden ‘Isthafa’ Ibrahim Mohamed Manik has issued a statement to the media denying torture allegations made against him by police, after the High Court overruled a court warrant extending his detention.

In the statement, Isthafa said he welcomed police efforts to investigate allegations of mistreatment inside the prison, but said the public had been misled that he had confessed to condoning torture and inhumane activities in the prison.

‘’I regret that police arrested me unlawfully against the constitution and against the laws’’ said Isthafa in the statement. “The High Court’s ruling clarifies that I was arrested unlawfully.’’

Isthafa said that while the state was investigating torture activities conducted in the prisons over a long period of time, “I was in charge of the prison for eight years.’’

“I have never ordered the torture of anyone or acted against the law, and neither did my superiors ever order me to do so,’’ he added.

Police arrested Isthafa over the weekend and took him to the prison island of Maafushi, where the island’s court granted police an extension of detention for 15 days. This was yesterday overruled by the High Court, which determined that the arrest was unlawful and that there were no probable grounds to extend his pre-trial detention period.

Today Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) activists gathered near the President’s Office, the Justice Building and other areas of Male’ calling for the arrest of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, demanding justice for the prison torture they alleged he condoned.

The activists were holding posters and carrying a coffin, claiming that many inmates had passed away as a consequence of inhumane activities and torturous activities they were subjected to.

Meanwhile the Criminal Court last night issued a warrant on Isthafa, banning him from leaving the country for a month.

The torture investigation committee formed by Presidential decree to investigate torture allegations against former government, led by former Defence Minister Ameen Faisal, has meanwhile established an office inside Velaanage’ to obtain information concerning prison torture carried out during both the current and former administrations.

Police in a press statement appealed for the public to report any information they had to the office on the 12th floor of  Velaanage, or to phone +960 333 0584 or +960 333 0585. Outside Male, complaints can be submitted to police posts on the islands.

Police are currently investigating allegations of torture inside prisons under the former administration, claiming that planned, systematic and long-term torture of prisoners had taken place in Maldivian prisons, while records of inmates were incomplete or non-existent.

Allegations of prisoner mistreatment have continued to come from the prisons even after the current administration took power in 2008, and both the government and the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) previously expressing concern over a “culture of torture” than continued to pervade many institutions.

On October 14, 2010, Police arrested a 19 year-old man while he was sitting near his house,  who later alleged that ‘’the whole duty shift’’ beat him using batons and shoes, before he was taken to solitary confinement  where he alleged he was kept in a cross position until his release the next day – without being brought in front of a judge.

On July 21, 2010, a 19 year-old man was arrested in a joint police and Maldives National Defense Force (MNDF) special operation to curb crime alleged officers pushed him into a police bus and blindfolded him with his hands tied with clips.

“They took me to a place and removed my silver ear-rings, my bracelets, necklace and sunglasses,” he claimed. “Then they took me to another place and removed the blindfold, and ordered me to remove my clothes. I refused, but I had no other choice so I did, and they told me to bend over. They harassed me verbally and physically.”

A 14 year-old boy arrested the same day near Giyasudeen School claimed that police treated him the same.

“They took me into a small room and removed the blindfold, and took up a trimmer. I asked them why they had to cut my hair, and they said they were getting me into the religion of Islam. I refused them permission to cut my hair, and I looked at the ground I saw blood all over the floor,” he said. “They started beating me when I refused.”

Another 16 year-old boy who was arrested near Ahmadiyya School said the officers blindfolded and handcuffed him, “and told me to sit down,” he said. “I checked with my hands to make sure there was a chair, and when I touched the chair when I turned to sit down they pulled the chair away. Again they hurt my wound and I told them that it hurt.”

He said the officers asked him to show them his wound, and when he removed his shirt they started hitting the wound and asking whether it hurt.

All were released without charge.

One January 24, 2011, a 17 year-old boy was arrested on Boduthakurufaanu Magu before being driven in a police vehicle to a dark spot near Male’s artificial beach, where he was violently beaten by officers with batons.

The 17 year-old said the squad, consisting of “around 22″ police officers beat him simultaneously with their batons.

On December 29, 2010, inside Maafushi prison, inmates and prison officers clashed with one inmate suffering a broken shoulder, another inmate breaking his nose and third suffering injuries to his eyes because prison officers hit and broke the glasses he was wearing, alleged a person familiar with the case.

The clash allegedly occurred after prison officers did not appear when called to respond to the critical health condition of another inmate.

On April 20, 2010, at least 15 inmates were badly injured in a prison riot in Maafushi Prison.

Most of the cases were reported to the Police Integrity Commission (PIC) but by far no trial or transparent investigation was conducted into these cases.

Cases of previous custodial torture can be reported to the government’s investigation committee on the 12th floor of  Velaanage, or by phone on +960 333 0584 or +960 333 0585.

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“Courageous and exemplary work”: President dismisses JSC Velezinee

President Mohamed Nasheed has removed the President’s member of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC), Aishath Velezinee, from her post.

“There was no reason given. All I can say is that the President is extremely grateful for the courageous and exemplary work Velezinee has done,” said Nasheed’s Press Secretary Mohamed Zuhair, adding that a new member would soon be appointed.

Minivan News understands that Velezinee’s departure from the JSC may be part of a back room deal not unrelated to impending judicial reform, opposition MPs crossing the floor and the arrest of former government officials on allegations of torture.

Velezinee herself was not commenting on the decision.

One woman army

Velezinee became an outspoken whistle-blower on the JSC last year after claiming that her many letters of concern to parliament – which provides oversight on the independent commissions – were being ignored.

In early 2010, she set about publicly exposing the independent institution she claimed was operating “like a secret society” and serving as a “shield” for a judiciary that was “independent in name only”, and had tabled only several of the hundreds of complaints submitted against judges.

Using her access to court documents, Velezinee revealed that almost a quarter of the sitting judges had criminal records – ranging from theft to terrorism – and that an even greater number had not even completed grade 7 education. The only qualification of many was a ‘Diploma in Judging’ presenting to them by the former Ministry of Justice, Velezinee contested.

For the past 30 years judges effectively worked as the employees of those “hand-picked” by the former government, Velezinee explained – to the extent that failures to extend a particular ruling as required by the Ministry of Justice resulted in a black mark on the judge’s file.

“The only qualification it appears was a willingness to submit to the will of the government at the time – to follow orders,” Velezinee told Minivan News is a previous interview.

“Not everyone has the mindset to follow orders and serve in that kind of capacity. I believe it has excluded people with independent thinking, or the necessary legal knowledge – such people would take it as an insult for someone to order them how to decide a case.”

Velezinee’s concerns – met with noticeable silence from both the JSC and the then-opposition majority parliament – sparked her ‘Article 285’ campaign.

Article 285 was the Constitutional stipulation that the JSC determine before the conclusion of the interim period – August 7, 2010 – whether or not the judges on the bench possessed the characteristics specified by article 149: “the educational qualifications, experience and recognized competence necessary to discharge the duties and responsibilities of a judge, [and] high moral character”.

At the eleventh hour prior to the conclusion of the interim period, the JSC reappointed the vast majority of sitting judges for life in a surrepticious ceremony conducted behind doors that would have remained closed had Velezinee not rushed the podium.

“The JSC decided – I believe with the support of parliament – that the same bench will remain for the next 40 years, retitled as an ‘independent judiciary’,” Velezinee said following the reappointments.

She further alleged that senior members of the parliamentary opposition were present in the JSC office over the weekend prior to the interim period deadline, personally assisting the JSC secretariat with photocopying the letters of appointment.

“I’m telling you: this is big. What we are seeing is all interconnected – it is one big plot to try – in any way possible – to return power to the corrupt,” she told Minivan News in July 2010, noting that her concerns had led to her being labelled “the Article 285 madwoman” by not only the opposition.

Less than a year later, many of her allegations were independently corroborated by a report produced by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), which attended JSC sessions and criticised its independence.

The JSC, the report stated, “was unable to carry out its functions in a sufficiently transparent, timely, and impartial manner. To date, JSC decision-making has been perceived as being inappropriately influenced by a polarised political environment. Also troubling is that members of the judiciary have been subject to threats and intimidation as well as improper inducements by both governing and opposition party members.”

The JSC refused to table the ICJ’s report, and disputed having ever received it.

Towards the end of 2010 Velezinee upped her campaign to incorporate parliament, naming both opposition and independent MPs as being involved in what she described as “a silent coup” to deprive the country of an independent judiciary for the sake of providing continued judicial impunity to senior power brokers of the former administration.

The reason for that failure, she suggested, was a fear among leaders of the former administration “who are continuing with criminal activities they have allegedly been carrying out for a long, long time.”

“There is widespread public perception that certain members of parliament are behind all the serious organised crime going on in this country. This includes serious drug issues, gang violence, stabbings,” she alleged, in a previous interview with Minivan News.

“These are allegations only because they have never come up before a court of law in all this time.”

“It is a much discussed issue, but it has never come up in the courts. I can see now that perhaps it may be true – otherwise why prevent the formation of an independent judiciary? I don’t think they would have confidence that they would get away free,” Velezinee said, observing that former political figures such as attorney generals were now representing these MPs in court as their lawyers, “and, by and large, they win every case.”

“This is not such a far-fetched radical thought coming from me any more because of the things we have seen over the last year to do with politicians and judicial action. The courts are a playground for politicians and are not trusted by the general public. Parliament has failed, and there is no other institutional mechanism in this constitution for the JSC to be held to account.”

In January this year Velezinee was stabbed three times in broad daylight while walking down Male’s main tourist street, on the same day that the High Court judges were due to be appointed.

“My first fear was that I would easily I bleed to death,” she told Minivan News, after she was discharged from hospital. “But I took a deep breath and realised I was alive. As soon as I realised this, the only thing I wanted to do was go and get the blood stopped and get to the Commission because this was the day of the High Court appointments, and I know they wanted me out of the way. I didn’t realise how serious the wounds were, I didn’t see them until two days later when I went for a dressing change.”

Many international organisations, including Transparency International and the ICJ, expressed “grave concern that the attack may be politically motivated.”

“There are honourable men in this country who are owned by others, and they may be put in a position where they believe they have to take my life. I knew there was a chance that I was risking murder, and I wasn’t wrong,” Velezinee told Minivan News, following her recovery. “It was only because of God’s grace that I survived.”

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Comment: “No man is an island” – why the Maldives should participate in New7Wonders

“No man is an island.” That’s what the English poet John Donne said 500 years ago. He meant that people by nature belong together.

So, although we are all individuals, we are one. And even though islands may appear to be separate, they are all part of the same planet everyone shares: Earth. The New7Wonders of Nature campaign, with its goal of generating one billion votes worldwide to select seven icons of nature, represents a noble ideal in which modern communications technologies allow us to create a global community.

This is the background against which Wednesday’s statement by the Maldives Marketing and Public Relations Corporation (MMPRC) has to be seen.

I have good news, however, for Maldivians and fans of the Maldives around the world: the Maldives are still in the New7Wonders of Nature campaign! That’s because the authority to withdraw a participant from the campaign is a decision for New7Wonders alone, not for any government agency. In this respect, New7Wonders adheres to the same principles as FIFA and the International Olympic Committee (IOC), organisations that do not tolerate any government interference so as to ensure their independence.

So, with the Maldives still a finalist, the critical choice to be made by the key decision-makers in the Maldives is whether to support the campaign or not.

I think that it would be a good idea for all the leaders in the Maldives to be active participants in the campaign for the simple reason that it makes good business sense. After all, this is why so many countries, with their public and private sectors, are enthusiastically involved in this global event. And at a time of such economic difficulty for the Maldives, the return on investment by participating in the New7Wonders of Nature campaign could be enormously beneficial for the country.

Two independent studies support this assertion.

First, an analysis produced last year by Pearson (publisher of the Financial Times) valued the overall economic success in the first campaign to elect the man-made New 7 Wonders of the World as being more than US$5 billion for all the participants. Second, a report last month by the audit firm Grant Thornton in South Africa estimated the economic benefits alone at US$1.012 billion for each of the New7Wonders of Nature winners.

The unfounded complaints by the MMPRC regarding the campaign sponsorship options have to be seen in the light of these extraordinarily positive numbers.

Now, as a rule, New7Wonders does not comment on any reported sponsorship numbers, as it respects the confidentiality of such matters. Unlike the MMPRC, we honour contractual confidentiality. Nevertheless, New7Wonders can confirm that at no stage was the government of the Maldives invited to be a sponsor, nor was any government sponsorship money requested.

As well, leading companies in the Maldives have been, since 2009, invited to be sponsors of the campaign. For the record, New7Wonders has made many practical suggestions for how the sponsorships can be adapted in line with the specific requirements of the Maldives economy.

In a further attempt to delegitimise the New7Wonders campaign, UNESCO and the UN were brought into the debate. Well, as we make clear on our website, the New7Wonders of Nature campaign is not a UNESCO campaign. New7Wonders does not request nor seek the endorsement of UNESCO, nor vice-versa.

There is a very good reason for this: due to its specific remit of cataloguing and listing hundreds of world heritage locations, without being seen to favour some over others, according to its own statutes UNESCO does not have the authority to officially organise or endorse a popular initiative such as the New7Wonders of Nature campaign.

As regards the New7Wonders relationship with the UN, this is at headquarters level in New York. We have successfully cooperated with The UN Office of Partnerships in the past, and look forward to doing so again in the future, for example through such initiatives as making the New7Wonders Global Voting Platform available to promote the UN Millennium Goals.

By the way, when it comes to making comparisons between international organisations, we feel that New7Wonders offers a model that deserves more recognition, especially in times when people are worried about personal and state finances. The fact is that the New7Wonders campaigns are delivered to the world without any government subsidy. The extraordinary economic value that is created for the participating locations is done without the spending of any public money. What is more, when all the costs have been covered at the end of our two global voting campaigns, 50 percent of any surplus will be donated to the New7Wonders Foundation to help make the vision of Global Memory a reality.

It is not for me to say what is best for the Maldives; that is a decision for the people of the republic and their representatives. New7Wonders, however, continues to believe that the Maldives is a worthy participant in the New7Wonders of Nature, and that the potential economic, tourism and image benefits far outweigh the concerns that have been so blatantly misrepresented by the MMPRC.

New7Wonders offers Maldivians and fans of the Maldives around the world the benefits of being part of a global community. It would be a pity not to participate. As the poet said, we are all part of something that’s much bigger than ourselves.

Eamonn Fitzgerald is Head of Communication at New7Wonders.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Thasmeen claims silver lining as DRP MP Ali Waheed “jumps ship”

Opposition leader Ahmed Thasmeen Ali has claimed that the prospect of an Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) voting majority in parliament – a potential scenario following  recent defections of DRP members to the ruling party – could have a silver lining for his supporters come election time.

Thasmeen said he believed if the MDP’s claims of having overall control of the Majlis proved true, the government at the 2013 general election would be unable to escape blame for recent economic reforms he believes have failed the public.

Thasmeen, who is himself currently embroiled in factional party infighting with a group aligned with former DRP leader and Maldivian President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, was speaking as Ali Waheed, a former Deputy Leader of his party, joined the MDP over the weekend.

Waheed, who joined former DRP members Ahmed Assad ‘Adubarey’ and DRP Sports Wing Head Hassan Shujau in signing up to the MDP, gave a speech citing concerns about the democratic nature of his former party. Waheed has strongly criticised President Mohamed Nasheed in the past.

“We did not bring change to the country for a person to advance because he belongs to a certain family or clan, but for a person to move up through merit,” Waheed said. “Today we can see that those who could not digest this have created different factions and we can see the state of the party [DRP] we formed with our hard work. Therefore, because [the party] has become an inheritance, I have let go and walked out empty-handed.”

Thasmeen said a majority would mean the governing party would be no longer able to blame opposition for its own failings – something he feels they had succeeded in doing previously.

“Firstly, I am not sure that the MDP have gained a parliamentary majority; as far as I am aware only two [MPs] have shifted to the party. Certainly if [a majority] happens, it would pave the way for the government to get things passed through parliament the way they want them, and this would be a new era for politics,” he said.

Thasmeen claimed that as the DRP had never itself held a political majority, it had effectively been subjected to checks and balances in parliament resulting from needing to agree unanimously with opposition coalition partners. As a result of this need for unanimous compromise, the DRP head claimed that the opposition’s ability to block government legislation had been used only in rare instances.

He added that in the event that the MDP might potentially claim a majority within the Majlis, the country’s changing political dynamic would not significantly change his own party’s policies of trying to hold the government to account.

“One thing is clear – the government has been successful in blaming parliament for what have been failures of its policies.  Come the next election, they will pay the price for the programmes that have failed, and this will be something of a silver lining for the DRP,” he said.

“Ali Waheed’s shift [to the MDP] does not make any difference to our work as the opposition or possible collaboration with the government. It is a joint parliamentary group that sets our policy and if we agree strongly about an issue with the government then we will work with them on it. We take stands on principle, no matter the strength of the MDP.”

Thasmeen highlighted his party’s stand on government policy areas such as the economy which this month led to protests – said to be instigated as a youth movement – held in Male’ over concerns about the cost of living.

However, the DRP leader added that recent divides within the party linked to the formation of the Z-DRP faction had negatively impacted its opposition role.

“There is no question that these divisions have weakened the DRP. Unease had been created in the party, but I do not believe this is a challenge that cannot be overcome,” he said.

Referring particularly to Waheed’s defection, Thasmeen said he believed that MPs elected on a DRP ticket should not then choose to use divides within the party as an “excuses to jump ship” to the MDP.

DRP post-Waheed

Following Waheed’s departure from the party, Thasmeen said that the country’s economic reforms – such as devaluing the rufiya – would remain a key concern for the DRP when parliament next reconvened.

“The government has indicated that it will release proposals to address economic concerns and bring down the dollar rate,” he said. “We do accept the fact that revenue has to be increased, but we would like to see serious attempts to reduce state expenditure and ensure revenue is not being wasted.”

The DRP leader claimed that the party was not specifically calling on the government to slash spending in a single area such as political appointees, but instead asked for a concensus on areas such as in the funding of new offices for local councils formed during local elections held in February.

“We are willing to support spending cuts across the board; but it is important that this is done with a consensus-based approach.”

On the back of attempts by dismissed deputy DRP leader Umar Naseer – currently aligned with the DRP faction – to try and file a case with the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) over allegations the MDP had bribed DRP members to join its ranks, Thasmeen said he was not certain of the truth about such claims.

“Without knowing the facts it is not an easy situation to comment on. However, as a party, the MDP has a number of policies that have failed,” he said. “The forced exchange rate is one [policy] that has impacted the lives of many Maldivians, there is no logic in jumping ship to suddenly support it.”

Confident of a majority

MDP MP Ahmed Hamza said the party was confident it would achieve a voting majority as opposition MPs “realise that the party’s approach is not constructive.”

“I think they are frustrated,” Hamza claimed. “Ali Waheed said he had waited two years without seeing a responsible opposition.”

He acknowledged that the loss of MPs risked destabilising the already split opposition: “Ali Waheed was a major voice in the opposition,” he observed.

A voting majority favouring the MDP would “speed the efficiency at passing legislation to support government policy,” Hamza said, claiming that this would allow the government to swifting bring in changes to stablise the economy.

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Shifting loyalties: parliament lines redrawn as members cross floor

Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) MP Abdulla Abdu Raheem has resigned from the party, following similar pattern to MP Ali Waheed who defected to the ruling Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) after resigning from the party over the weekend.

As with Waheed, Raheem did not immediately state that he would be joining the MDP, however journalists reported witnessing Raheem leaving President Mohamed Nasheed’s residence of Muleeage yesterday afternoon.

The Maafannu-West MP told local media he had left the DRP on the urging of his constituents, and because “a few tycoons [in parliament] are opposing taxation”. Ali Waheed’s home constitutency of Thoddu also backed the MDP in the recent council election.

Raheem narrow defeated the Councillor for Maafanu West, Mohamed Falah, in the 2009 parliamentary election by a mere eight votes, after Maldives National Shipping Ltd Chairman and MDP member Mohamed ‘Sanco’ Shareef, who lost in the primary, competed as an independent and split the MDP vote.

Should Raheem follow in Waheed’s footsteps and join the ruling party, the MDP will establish itself as the largest single voting bloc in parliament with 34 members (35 including coalition signatory ‘Redwave’ Saleem).

This will exceed the opposition DRP-PA coalition’s 32 members (25 DRP, 7 PA).

However with the cooperation of allied parties including Gasim Ibrahim’s Jumhoree Party (3 MPs) and Dr Hassan Saeed’s Dhivehi Qaumee Party (1 MP), the opposition still control a narrow majority with 36 votes.

For an outright voting majority, either party needs to control 39 votes – giving great sway to the seven independents; six if Raheem join the MDP. Of Independent MPs Mohamed Nasheed, Ahmed ‘Sun’ Shiyam Mohamed, Ismail Mohamed Hameed, Ahmed Amir, Ibrahim Riza and Mohamed Zubair, Riza and Zubair have a voting history backing the DRP and MDP respectively, further increasing the sway of the other four.

Speaking at an MDP rally held on the weekend in honour of Waheed’s signing, President Mohamed Nasheed confidently proclaimed a parliamentary majority for the party and instructed the MPs to use it responsibly. However to obtain that majority, two more MPs would need to defect.

Local media has speculated that other MPs in the opposition may be considering crossing the floor, focusing on Yousuf Naeem, Mohamed Ramiz who has publicly denied the rumours, and Ali Mohamed who’s absence from the chamber notably and narrowly secured parliamentary endorsement of Home Minister Hassan Afeef.

Parliament sessions resume next month.

Shifting loyalties

  • Opposition support:
    Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP): 25
    People’s Alliance (PA): 7

    DRP-PA Coalition: 32

    Jumhoree Party (JP): 3
    Dhivehi Quamee Party (DQP): 1

    Total: 36

  • Government support:
    Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP): 33
    MP ‘Redwave’ Saleem (coalition agreement): 1

    Total: 34

  • Independents:
    Mohamed Nasheed
    Ahmed ‘Sun’ Shiyam Mohamed
    Ismail Mohamed Hameed,
    Ahmed Amir
    Ibrahim Riza (DRP leaning)
    Mohamed Zubair (MDP leaning)
    Abdulla Abdu Raheem (ex-DRP)
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