Category: Features & Comment

Book review: Gatecrashing Paradise – Misadventures in the Real Maldives

“[T]here is no doubt about it, the Maldives has to be one of the most beautiful, colourful – and sometimes complicated – places on the planet,” concludes British travel writer Tom Chesshyre at the end of his journey around the ‘real’ Maldives.

Gatecrashing Paradise: Misadventures in the Real Maldives – officially launched this month but already available online – makes a notable contribution to Maldivian travel literature, detailing the writer’s trip around the country’s inhabited islands.

“I had heard of a change in Maldivian law that allowed visitors to travel off the beaten track to islands that were not official tourist islands,” writes Chesshyre.

“A whole new country had effectively opened up, hundreds of islands seldom seen by outsiders. It’s not all that often something like this happens in the twenty-first century.”

Taking in the length and breadth of the atolls, the journey around the “edges of perfection” is described as “blissful, troubled, joyous, delicious, fraught, and always very, very watery.”

Along the way – via a host of colourful characters, Chesshyre is introduced to the reality and the frustrations of the Indian Ocean nation known best for its 109 single island luxury resorts.

Anticipating greater concern about climate change – with which the country has also become synonymous – the author learns about the issues that affect the everyday lives of Maldivians and expatriate labourers, including the country’s “surprisingly turbulent” political scene.

Listing his first hand discoveries as including human rights abuses, rigged elections, human trafficking, corruption, hard drug use, fundamentalism, high divorce rates, an “overactive” secret police, the huge division between tourist and locals, and the maltreatment of resort workers, the author is left dizzy.

“Go to just about any country and there are ‘issues’, but the Maldives was almost flamboyantly (and unexpectedly) alive with controversy of one sort or another,” writes Chesshyre.

The journey

Arriving in the capital Malé – which strikes the author as a ‘mini-Manhattan’ dropped into the ocean, he hitches a cargo ship to take him 330 miles south to Addu.

Past the equator, he gathers a sense of the country’s history, visiting the old RAF base in Gan – closed in 1976, learning about the United Suvadive Republic, and visiting the graveyard in Hulhu-meedhoo – regarded by many as being the oldest in the country.

Locals describe the lasting impact the British had on them, while RAF veterans holidaying in the Equator Village give insight into the effect Gan had on the British – as does a grainy 1970s documentary.

‘It can produce in the most level-headed men, a profound claustrophobia … at the beginning of the stay on Gan it is not unheard of for men to weep at the sheer geographical isolation,’ explained the video’s narrator.

Similar comments the author received from a Bangladeshi worker in the atoll – ‘I don’t like it here…In four to five months I go home’ – reflected the feelings of most of the foreign labourers encountered during the adventure – overworked, underpaid, and trafficked.

After pole and line fishing – and time spent observing police kept too busy by the local drug trade to worry about climate change – the journey heads north, taking in the ancient Bhuddist stupa in Isdhoo and shedding light on the country’s complex relationship with its past.

A visit to Vilufushi brings home the reality of the 2004 tsunami and the country’s vulnerability to the ocean, with the writer enjoying the hospitality of former refugees glad to be back home after an enforced stay on the nearby island of Buruni.

“Strip everything away (every penny, all your possessions), wash it into the sea and find yourself sent to a refugee camp for a few years: I wondered how we would deal with that back home. Would we be quite so calm and welcoming?” he ponders.

A return to Malé, and Hulhumalé – described as ‘emergency island’ due to its 2 metre height – is followed by a briefing on the media climate in the country from representatives of Minivan News.

After hearing of the abduction of Minivan News journalist Ahmed Rilwan during the final editing stages of the book’s production, the author will be using promotional events in the UK to publicise the case.

Finally, a trip to the country’s far north reveals the mythology that defines much of the nation’s identity. Visiting the home of Mohamed Thakurufaanu in Utheemu, the author brings the tales of the independence hero to a new audience.

Chesshyre then journeys to the Maldives Climate Observatory in Hanimaadhoo, which monitor levels of ‘Atmospheric Brown Cloud’. Despite the apparent ambivalence of those nearby, the observatory in Hanimaadhoo continuously beams a steady stream of alarming evidence of global warming to NASA.

The politics

Heading back south, the book delves into the country’s murky political waters: “If I was going to be gatecrashing paradise, I did not want to paint over the cracks.”

Chesshyre describes an interview with former President Dr Mohamed Waheed’s brother Naushad (conducted in London before the trip), who pales when recalling the torture he suffered under the dictatorship.

‘It’s not just me that they tortured. It was all of us in prison. They do that, you know, for their own pleasure. They are sick men…,’ Naushad explains.

More time in Malé brings the author into contact with Maldivian Democratic Party activists in election campaign mode, bringing the firm realisation that tourism and politics in the Maldives have become inseparable: “bound together tightly with knots that were difficult to unpick”.

Chesshyre’s exploration of the country’s politics culminates in a rare interview with former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom.

In a cagey encounter, the 30-year leader suggests the opposition had manipulated a ‘gross misrepresentation’ of his regime’s human rights record, describing the case of Evan Naseem’s murder in police custody in 2003 as an ‘isolated incident’.

That a travel book about the Maldives’ guest house tourism is not complete without a journey into the country’s politics may explain the reluctance of many within the industry to fully embrace mid-market tourism.

But the book clearly depicts a guest house scene largely undiscovered (in 2013), which offers the chance to experience the warm communities and rich culture of island-life. Such luxuries are inaccessible on even the most expensive resort – as is the opportunity to develop a taste for garudiya (as the author does).

“Away from the golf buggies, spa treatments and infinity pools of holiday- brochure paradise, I was discovering a parallel existence in which courtesy, good manners, gentleness and civility came to the fore,” explains Chesshyre.

The key to ‘gatecrashing’ the lesser-known parts of the archipelago, however, are realised soon after Chesshyre’s arrival – once the immediate desire to bolt for the clichéd tranquility of a resort had subsided.

“I would simply have to get used to the unspoken rules in the Indian Ocean, which appeared to be: take it easy, my friend, or else you’ll never understand us.”

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Comment: Where is the love? Chinese tourists in the Maldives

In one of Minivan News’ recent articles, a tourism sector official from the Maldives was quoted as saying:

“[E]ven though total arrivals increased, the tourism industry suffered as a whole in 2014.

Total tourist arrivals have increased compared to the previous year. However, as arrivals from Europe and Russia decrease, less income is generated as the replacing Chinese visitors spend less and stay for lesser periods,”

As the Maldivian airline that brought over 30 percent of the Chinese to the Maldives – more than any other foreign or domestic airline – we know a thing or two about Chinese visitors to the Maldives. And we would like to point out that this idea of the Chinese as the poor, pot-noodle-eating, ‘second-class’ tourist is not only offensive, but also untrue.

The data

Don’t take our word for it. Data from the World Tourism Organisation show that at US$102.2 billion, Chinese passengers were by 2012 already the biggest spenders abroad. By 2014 this had reached over US$155 billion, and is expected to hit US$194 billion in 2015.

Individual country results also show similar patterns. According to the US Travel Association, Chinese tourists spend on average US$7,200, compared to US$4,500 from other nationals. Chinese tourists are so important, that some countries, like the UK, are changing their entire visa systems to attract them.

In fact, data from our own tourism ministry also implies that the Chinese are big spenders here in the Maldives too. According to the Maldives Tourism Visitor Survey 2013, 40 percent of Chinese spent over US$5,000 (not including their hotel and air package), while only 27 percent of the Germans, 24 percent of the British, and 23 percent of Russians spent more than this in the Maldives.

So, whichever way you look at it, the data does not agree with the common (mis)perception of Chinese passengers as being poor.

The Chinese ‘fad’

We in the Maldives have consistently been wrong about the China market. Let’s not forget that in 2010, there were senior officials in the tourism sector who regarded Chinese tourists to the Maldives to be a ‘passing fad’.

Thankfully for the Maldives, it wasn’t. Since 2010, the ‘fad’ tripled from about 100,000 to 300,000 today. Chinese tourists are the reason why we count ourselves a million visitor destination today.

Retail therapy

“Yes they are here”, you say. “But they do not spend”.

Despite the statistics above, we believe there is some partial truth to this. The Chinese do not spend like the Europeans on holiday do. This is partly because ‘spending’ for Chinese on holiday meant primarily one thing: shopping.

Unlike Malaysia, Thailand, or Dubai, we in the Maldives do not do ‘shopping’ as a tourism product. So when they first arrived, the Chinese did not have much to ‘buy’: no Burberry scarves, no Godiva chocolates and no Rolex watches. It was not that they lacked money. They were simply not the type to spend US$500 on a bottle of wine (at least not one they could not take back as a gift).

This gave the local tourism industry a perception of the Chinese passenger as ‘poor’. However, those of us who sold duty-free products to them, either at the airport or on their return journeys, knew perfectly well that they were not. On one flight from Male to Beijing, the entire contents of a Mega Maldives Airlines duty-free shopping trolley were sold out. Every single item!

The coming opportunity

That said, it is unlikely that we can, or even want to turn the Maldives into a shopping-focused haven of malls and discount-retail outlets. Luckily for us, we don’t have to. The spending habits of Chinese tourists are changing.

According to research by China UnionPay – one of China’s biggest bank-card association – the importance Chinese customers assign to shopping is falling. According to data analyst at China UnionPay Chen Han:

“The data show that outbound Chinese consumers are focusing more on what they gain from their travel experiences instead of what they buy at their destinations. This shift shows a heightened awareness of ‘quality time’ during their holidays.”

This means that the Chinese tourist is becoming a little more similar to the Western tourist. They will start appreciating cuisine, drinks, spas, diving and all the other ‘experiences’ that make the Maldives unique today. However, this also presents us with an opportunity to develop a much more active and innovative tourism sector product. Maldivian culture does not have to just mean the weekly local cuisine buffet, or the staff ‘bodu-beru’ band of the resort.

We could for example, have festivals of music, art, dances, poetry and literature, all of which will be highly appealing to the Chinese market. We could have talks on conservation, sustainability, nature and the environment – concepts becoming very popular in China. Natural remedies and approaches to health and well-being, as well as meditation and ‘mindfulness’ are also increasingly popular with this market, especially as Chinese cities like Beijing become increasingly polluted.

All of these opportunities generate a lot more in terms of jobs and creative opportunities for our youth, and is much better for us than selling a $20,000 Gucci handbag.

How will we get this diversified product to the tourists? The answer to this question may be difficult, but the Maldives tourism product has shown itself to be highly dynamic. The recent emergence of guest houses is one such example of this dynamism. The current government’s ‘Thumburi project,’ is also another very good opportunity to diversify these products and really develop a product that appeals to the Chinese market.

Where is the love?

Look around you. Every country in the world – from Canada to South Africa – is spending hundreds of millions of dollars in promoting their destination in the hope of attracting Chinese tourists.

But we in the Maldives, with our pristine natural beauty, were able to make the Chinese fall in love with us with little or no effort. It’s about time we put our prejudices aside and learnt to love them back.

Mizna Ahmed is a Director at Mega Maldives.


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Saving the Kulhudhuffushi mangroves

In the mid-morning heat Latheefa Ahmed knelt thigh deep in the Kulhudhuffushi mangrove, head scarf muddy, long skirt tied beneath her buttocks as she buried coconut husks in a shallow muddy hole.

“This is the struggle we must put up for a few coins,” said the 58-year-old coir-rope weaver.

Latheefa usually leaves the coconut husks to soak in the mud for eight months. Once soft, the fibers are pounded, washed in salt water, dried in the sun, and hand woven into coir-rope or roanu, a product once famed for its strength and durability.

Roanu had been used in boat building, in the construction of homes and in the making of furniture. But now, it is mainly used as decoration in the country’s luxury resorts.

With the decline of the coir-rope industry and the move away from traditional ways of life, the majority of Kulhudhuffushi islanders see little use to the mangrove. The vast area is now used as a waste dump and islanders have proposed dredging the site for airport development or to give out plots of land.

The plight of the Kulhudhuffushi wetlands is indicative of lack of awareness of the essential eco services mangroves provide, from acting as habitats to birds and nurseries to fish, stabilising water tables, and enriching soil for agriculture, to protecting coast lines from tidal surges.

The neglect of mangrove ecosystems seems surprising as the Maldivian economy depends heavily on tourism, an industry that thrives on rich biodiversity.

Environmentalists have called for the introduction of new economic activities in mangroves such as preservation for local tourism or harvesting seafood on a commercial scale.

Asset or dump?

Executive Director of environmental NGO Bluepeace Ali Rilwan says mangroves are only second in biodiversity richness to coral reefs in the Maldives. Mangroves and wetlands act as carbon sinkholes, capturing twice the amount of carbon dioxide as other ecosystems, he said.

Lamenting the lack of research on Maldivian mangroves, Rilwan said atoll mangroves are different to those on the continental shelf as they exist in small patches on islands and boast a different variety of vegetation and wildlife.

Supporters of the ruling Progressive Party of the Maldives (PPM) have proposed the Kulhudhuffushi mangrove be filled in and developed into the airport promised by President Abdulla Yameen during the 2013 presidential elections.

Ali Hussein, a 50-year-old boat captain, said an airport was necessary to relieve high levels of unemployment on the island – the most populous in the North.

“There is no use to the mangrove. An airport will provide jobs. The only available jobs on the island right now are as cashiers at shops. At the Hanimadhoo airport, all the jobs go to people from Hanimaadhoo. They don’t hire graduates from Kulhudhuffishi,” he said.

Taxi driver Ahmed Nizar said Kulhudhuffushi islanders now pay MVR1500 (US$100) for a boat to Hanimadhoo, which is equivalent to a one-way air ticket from Hanimadhoo to Malé.

“When PPM asked us how can they get a majority in Kulhudhuffushi, we told them build us an airport. They agreed. Then I personally drew the pictures of the airport that you see on the walls of houses now,” he said proudly.

Those who oppose the venture — pointing out the airport 25 minutes away in Hanimaadhoo — propose the mangrove be filled in to give out plots of land for housing to ease population pressure.

No place for birds, turtles

However, for Kulhudhuffushi Councilor Mohamed Aiman, the mangrove is the “most important asset the island has”.

The council would not obstruct airport development on the island, Aiman said. But he believes the mangrove must be preserved for guesthouse tourism. Kulhudhuffushi lacks sandy beaches, and the mangrove is the only remaining site of untouched natural beauty, he said.

Local tourism would revive the coir-rope industry as well, Aiman said.

“When guests come to islands they would want to experience the culture and traditions of the island. This will have a positive effect on coir-rope making and haalu folhi [sweet crepe] production,” he said.

Bluepeace’s Rilwan blames the lack of awareness on the lack of research into mangroves, and said the biodiversity of mangroves must be documented for better conservation.

He has called for the introduction of new economic activities in mangroves such as the harvest of mud crabs to increase the economic value of the area.

Meanwhile, Director General at the Environmental Protection Authority, Ibrahim Naeem says Maldivians must reconsider their approach to development.

“Land is being reclaimed, mangroves filled in, reefs dynamited, for airports, for houses, for harbors without any thought to their environmental impacts. Large swathes of land have been reclaimed from the sea in several islands, but there is no demand for these lands. We have to consider what we are doing. We are destroying the very ecosystems tourism is dependent on,” he said.

“Islands and sandbanks are being leased out for economic activity. There are no sandbanks for the birds or the turtles. When we talk of sustaining tourism, we have to think about sustaining our biodiversity, protecting all of our living creatures.”

This article is part of an environmental journalism project supported by Banyan Tree Maldives.


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Comment: A decade after the 2004 Tsunami – recalling the turning point for disaster management

Dr Poonam Khetrapal Singh is WHO Regional Director for South-East Asia. As Deputy Regional Director (2002-2012)-she was overall lead in the Tsunami 2004 response. She is a staunch advocate and practitioner of emergency risk management in the health sector.

Documentation and publications of the tsunami 2004 and its lessons available at www.searo.who.int

There is debate among language scholars on the two Chinese language characters for the word crisis; one represents danger and the other possibility or opportunity. This has led to the often quoted cliché that “In every crisis, there is opportunity” when in fact these two characters define a crisis: the opportunity or the possibility of danger.

Recalling that late morning of 26 December 2004, when the Asian tsunami hit some countries of WHO’s South-East Asia Region, I remember receiving phone calls from our country offices in the Region describing the emergency as water entering the office compound in Maldives to waves rising as high as 40 meters lashing Sumatra, Indonesia, Andaman, sea coast area of Thailand, Myanmar, the eastern shoreline of Sri Lanka and South India.

What was common about their stories was that the water receded from the shores till as far as the eye could see before it all struck back with a vengeance. From all the reports, it seemed only Indonesia felt an earthquake. The story evolved quickly for the world to see – the final death toll reached close to 200 000; around 800 primary and secondary health facilities were destroyed; coastal villages and people’s livelihoods were wiped out; the tourism sector suffered a major blow in Maldives and Thailand.  The total damage was estimated at US$11 billion.

The response to the health needs was overwhelming—there was no recollection of a tsunami in recent times so there was no preparation. Coordination of response was rushed. For many countries systems were built as we responded. Donations in cash and in kind from individuals to governments became an event in itself and hard to manage. The WHO Regional Office for South East Asia deployed over 160 people over a period of three months to respond to the initial health needs. Every essential public health function – surveillance, maternal child health services, immunization, psychosocial support, management of dead bodies – was conducted on a massive scale tailored to the needs of each of the affected countries.  Field offices were set-up, logistic requirements put in place and technical experts were deployed wherever needed.  It was a response and recovery operation WHO had not seen or committed to in its history.

Today, a decade later, the important question before us is: how do we prepare ourselves for such an event? More importantly, how prepared is prepared? Measuring preparedness should be the basis for addressing risks, no matter what the cause. A series of lessons learnt meetings, evaluations, review of responses, culminated in 2005 with a set of Benchmarks for Emergency Preparedness and Response which includes standards, indicators and guide questions.

This tool intended to measure in detail what is in place for legal frameworks, plans, finance, coordination mechanisms, community capacities, and early warning for health events. The rest of the humanitarian and development actors were also looking to advance in this direction. The Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA) was developed in 2005 along with the UN Humanitarian Reform. This brought about a better approach to coordination in response, accountability and rapid predictable funding.

Indeed, we can do better and we can measure our actions so we can objectively identify gaps and address them.  Countries have used the WHO South-East Asia benchmarks for capacity assessments and development for better risk management in the health sector.

Tsunami monument, Malé

This also helped countries that were not affected by the tsunami. The tsunami was the turning point for countries to see that risk management is an essential public health function and crucial for protecting people’s health and investments. Countries also use HFA targets across sectors. Humanitarian reform has been applied in several emergencies with varying success but with systematic documentation of gains and gaps providing a clearer way for corrective action. Even with all these tools, investments, new plans and building back better – the only proof of effective preparedness would be another event.

On 11 April 2012 an earthquake of 8.7 on the Richter scale rocked Aceh in Indonesia for four minutes. Tremors were also felt in neighbouring countries. It seemed like a repeat of 2004. But certain specific actions of that day clearly demonstrated that we had learned since then. There was evacuation to higher ground by all coastal communities from Aceh, Nias Island, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Thailand.

The clear link of the tsunami warning system (now in place in the Indian Ocean) and community relay of the communication was seen in many coastal areas such as Chennai where loudspeakers from local government representatives informed everyone to move to safer locations and heed the warning. Eight were reported dead and those injured were treated promptly and were accounted for. Hospitals in Banda Aceh evacuated their patients in an orderly manner- a result of their preparedness plans and drills. Although some health posts were damaged, the city infrastructure did not suffer from major destruction, in fact very few were damaged. The tourism sector in Sri Lanka was very organized in moving resort guests to higher ground.

Those initial 6 hours of response on 11 April proved that we have learnt what our risks are and know how to manage and continue confidently to live with them. Indeed, it pays to invest in making risk management capacities pervasive in all levels of society – in all sectors. We have seen India, Indonesia, Maldives, Sri Lanka and Thailand continue to improve systems they set-up with knowledge and tools developed through the lessons of the tsunami. Other countries have also done so using the same knowledge. The death tolls in various events have decreased over the past years as preparedness and response capacities have increased phenomenally. Today, as we look back at the devastating tsunami, we can say that it taught us valuable lessons. .

To further build on these lessons, we must remain insightful of the linkages of hazards, risks and capacities. Reducing our vulnerabilities require an iterative, honest process of correction in what we invest in, where we invest and what we do to further decrease the risks to our people.  Why? Because, even though our capacities increase, so do our risks. We are facing new risks today. Cities are sprouting unplanned, extreme weather events due to climate change are occurring with regularity; people are moving globally with much more ease – all of which contribute to another “perfect storm”.

Maybe our current capacities will not be enough for the next event so we need to keep questioning our status in order to improve. Global tools and mechanisms like the WHO South-East Asia Benchmarks will undergo regular use and review, the HFA will be updated in March 2015 and humanitarian reform has given way to the transformative agenda for the UN and partners to respond to mega-disasters.

It seems though that no effort is ever enough, the world is facing another global health emergency requiring resources from everywhere –Ebola is an old disease in new places.  An event where there is no obvious physical proof of destruction but it is just as destructive to individuals, families, societies and nations. The Ebola outbreak is another event we need to learn from. We must continue to invest in prevention and preparedness to save more lives. This will eventually decrease the resources needed for the response and recovery in a future event.

Meanwhile, what is clear is that both statements are true- we live in a world where there is always a possibility for danger; and in every crisis there is an opportunity. Knowing what we know now, we must look ahead and use that knowledge as an opportunity to keep getting better in saving lives, preventing diseases, and protecting health.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Comment: Mutiny of the State – Maldives gets away with another Coup D’etat

Article first published on Dhivehi Sitee. Republished with permission.

A year ago the Supreme Court of the Maldives reigned supreme. The court, and at times the chief justice alone, ran wild with ‘the powers of the Supreme Cour’, citing Article 145 (c) for Supreme Court interference in all manner of issues.

Article 268 on supremacy of the Constitution binds the Supreme Court too – but both the Supreme Court andparliament majority were wilfully blind to this as they got their way, citing the Constitution to justify outrageous breaches of the Constitution.

Few among the general public in a polity with a history of authoritarian rule and unfamiliar with the concept of the rule of law understood contraventions of the Constitution, especially when the breaches were blatantly defended by the Supreme Court. In the absence of a culture of democracy it was often reduced to whatever the ‘majority’ decide – by hook or by crook.

To win was the ultimate goal in elections as well as in litigation, no matter how. Reason by the minority was drowned out and, with the Supreme Court politicised and the parliament majority with the president, an executive dictatorship reigned in the shadow of the supreme Supreme Court.

The gravity of the situation became visible to the public and the international community during the 2013 presidential elections, when the court repeatedly intervened in the election process, often working the graveyard shift to issue midnight decrees and directives to control the elections. Polls were nullified and voting was repeatedly rescheduled to ensure an election win for Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, half-brother of the 30-year dictator Maumoon Abdul Gayoom.

Why the Supreme Court may have had an interest in seeing Yameen as the president may be seen in Yameen’s statement to the Commission of National Inquiry (CoNI) that decided the 7 February 2012 coup was not a coup

Soon after the presidential elections, the Supreme Court also facilitated a win for President Yameen’s Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) in parliamentary elections, removing the Elections Commissioner and his deputy in the country’s first suo moto case. The Elections Commissioner was accused of contempt of the court and undermining its powers.

During the election campaign President Yameen, like PPM MPs in their campaigns, pledged to protect the judiciary from interference, condemning the local and international calls for judicial reform as “interference”. The Supreme Court is the highest authority, the bearer of the last word in all matters of law, and none had the power to criticise or demand reform of the judiciary – both the Supreme Court and President Yameen agreed.

Dismissive of all expert reports on the Maldives judiciary, the Supreme Court adopted contempt of court regulations to prohibit media and public criticism and went as far as to initiate court action against the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) in suo moto vs HRCM – charging all members of the HRCM with high treason for their 2014 report to the Universal Periodic Review for noting that the Supreme Court unduly influences and controls the judiciary.

Chief Justice Ahmed Faiz Hussain played his cards to win. From giving the oath to Vice President Dr Mohamed Waheed without question and legitimising the 7 February 2012 coup d’état, to guaranteeing a win for coup-leader Yameen in the 2013 elections, facilitating a PPM majority in parliament and remaining silent while the PPM majority systematically undermined the Constitution and ruled by law instead of upholding the rule of law, Faiz never faltered.

None of this mattered, however, when on December 14 – following an amendment to the Judicature Act which required the Supreme Court bench to be reduced from seven to five justice, the PPM majority in parliament removed both Faiz and Justice Muthasim Adnan — the only voice of reason, and often only voice of dissent from majority opinion in the court.

Supreme Court Justice and Chief of the Interim Supreme Court Abdulla Saeed – who I maintain engineered hijacking of the judiciary in 2010 in what I have since called the silent coup – was rewarded with the title of chief justice. Solemnising the historic oath of the new chief justice was none other than Supreme Court Justice Ali Hameed, whose dirty laundry made international headlines after the court ruled against display of white underpants in public protests. The white pants became a protest prop against Hameed after videos appearing to show the judge with foreign sex workers in a hotel in Sri Lanka went viral on the internet.

The Final Nail in the Coffin

Amendments to the Judicature Act were passed by the parliament majority on Wednesday and ratified by President Yameen on Thursday.

Under the new amendments, the bench was to be reduced from seven to five justices, and the High Court bench is to be chopped into three equal parts, with three of the nine justices assigned to three geographical regions. A total of 43 MPs voted for the change, all members of PPM – the government majority, and errant members of the opposition.

Within hours of ratification, the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) who had staunchly refused to assess or remove a single judge as required for the de facto transition under Constitution Article 285, announced a decision to submit names Faiz and Adnan for removal. No reasons were given as to why or how the JSC reached the decision to remove them. The media was simply told it was a secret decision and that the commission had decided not to reveal procedure or reason.

On Saturday, while the opposition, senior lawyers, commentators, media, social media activists, civil society, the public, and even the Civil Court declared the amendments to the Judicature Act unconstitutional and illegitimate, politicians bargained to win the two-thirds simple majority required to remove a judge.

On Sunday morning, while opposition-led protests were kept at a distance by Police barricades around the parliament building, government MPs voted to remove the  pair. The MDP issued a three-line whip to reject the dismissal of the justices, but with at least five opposition MPs making themselves absent from the proceedings, the required two-thirds vote was guaranteed.

MDP MPs and some JP MPs raised the matter of the unconstitutionality of the amendment to Judicature Act — the fact is that Article 154 of the Constitution, under which the Majlis had scheduled to remove the justices, does not permit the removal of a judge except where the JSC finds the person grossly incompetent, or guilty of gross misconduct.  MPs also noted no such report  from the JSC regarding the two judges who were to be removed had been made available to them, nor was it on record with the parliament.

It was noted that the only documentation before parliament was a three-line note from the JSC seeking the removal of Faiz and Adanan, and that this was forced upon the JSC by parliament via the unconstitutional amendment to the Judicature Act.

The parliament majority leader spoke for the government, laughing at opposition claims of unconstitutionality, and citing Constitution’s Article 70 and the powers of the parliament therein to “make any law on any matter and any manner, whenever and wherever Parliament wish”. The fact that there are limits upon the parliament, and that the parliament may not enact a law detrimental to the Constitution was lost upon him.

The vote was won and, on Sunday afternoon, it was reported that JSC had proposed Supreme Court Justice Abdulla Saeed for the post of Chief Justice. Sunday evening, Parliament was back in session and Abdulla Saeed was appointed the new Chief Justice with 55 votes. Before midnight, Abdulla Saeed had taken oath.

Corrupting of the Judiciary

In 2010, the JSC – supported by the then-opposition parliament majority – refused to execute Article 285 and re-appointed all sitting judges en masse. Further, both the JSC and opposition MPs misled the public on the commission’s actions leading up to the collective judges’ oath on 4 August 4, 2010.

The JSC published what it called the  ‘legal reasoning on the Article 285 decision‘ speaking of the “human rights of judges” and citing Constitution section 51 (h), and ICCPR Article 14:2, and UDHR Article 11 on rights of the accused, to explain why no sitting judge may be removed for misconduct or failing to be of good character.

“No one can be penalized (dismissed) by a retrospective law,” the JSC claimed in 2010 – the “law” referred to here by the JSC being the 2008 Constitution.

The JSC’s decision stood as few protested against it, and complaints to parliament oversight committee, the Anti Corruption Commission and the Human Rights Commission on the JSC’s treason were ignored or covered up.

The appointment of the Supreme Court itself was a political decision influenced by the existing power balance in the parliament and the pressure from the international community for “political negotiation and peace”.

Reports of the International Commission of Jurists, who probed the issue following appeals in 2010, and the UN special rapporteur on independence of lawyers and judges, and FIDH – who made inquiries after the February 2012 coup d’état – all recognise fundamental mis-conceptualisations in the appointment of judges and in the use of concepts like independence of the judiciary and the rule of law in the Maldives.

Rule By Law: Precedents in the Maldives

The removal of Faiz and Adnan from the Supreme Court bench through amendment legislation is not the first breach. A number of similar unconstitutional actions where political ‘majority’ power reigned supreme have set the precedent. Some major comparable instances are found in the following:

  • The removal of the chair of the JSC, High Court Chief Justice Abdul Ghani Mohamed through a High Court decree on January 21, 2010. The decision was taken by three of the five High Court justices while the fourth was on leave, and, without the knowledge of Abdul Ghani himself. The move contravened democratic principles. The JSC did not investigate the misconduct and abuse of power by the three High Court judges – despite the adoption of a motion to do so – and appointed two of the said three High Court justices to the Supreme Court, and the third as chief justice of the High Court.
  • The legitimisation of JSC’s breach of Constitution Article 285 by the Judicature Act of August 10, 2010, which brought down the standards and qualifications stipulated in the Constitution for judges.
  • The amendment to the Judicature Act on 10 August 2010, the same day it was passed and ratified, to qualify Dr Ahmed Abdulla Didi for the Supreme Court bench.
  • The legitimisation of the 7 February 2012 coup d’état by majority power in parliament.
  • The removal of the Auditor General through amendment to the Auditor General’s Act in 2014.

Another coup d’état?

If a coup d’état is understood as hijacking of state powers, and bringing down of legitimate Constitutional government, and/or the derailment of Constitutional government, the Maldives has once against carried out a coup d’état, this time going full circle to complete what I have called earlier the silent coup.

With Monday’s move, all state powers are once again with the president who has got himself parliament majority with the power to write and rewrite law; and the shamelessness to do so without regard to the Constitution, democratic principles, public outrage, or international criticism.

With the Supreme Court secured, parliament is now on fast track, undoing the Constitutional rights and safeguards. Next step will be the elimination of all opposition including independent voices, all by Court order and verdicts, once again by the powers of the Constitution.

Where do the people of Maldives go with this case of the mutiny of the state against it’s own Constitution and people?

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]


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Dealing with the dry spell – Malé’s water crisis continues

Five days since the fire at Malé Water and Sewerage Company (MWSC) – the capital city’s sole provider of running water – disrupted water supplies, residents and local businesses struggle to make do with the limited resources available.

As politicians begin finger-pointing, the inhabitants of the capital continue to cope with the crisis in any way they can.

The Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) and the Maldives Red Crescent have been distributing bottled water received as aid from neighbouring countries to citizens since December 5.

The drinking water distributed by the MNDF in this manner is being transported to the capital city voluntarily from nearby islands by local businessman Adam Manik of Galolhu Sentuge, owner of Tug Service Marine Pvt Ltd.

Adam Manik has also taken the initiative to set up nearly a dozen large water tanks near the Water Jetty, where drinking water is dispensed free of charge.

“I purchase the water, transport it to Male’ on my boats and distribute it for free to all and any citizens. I see this as a national effort and will continue to provide this service as long as the current water difficulties continue,” Adam Manik told Minivan News today.

Adam stated that his employees have been working relentlessly for the past 4 days on all his boats.

Three of his boats are being utilised for water transportation – ‘Adam 60’, which has the capacity to carry 200 metric tonnes of water, ‘Ifba’ carrying 60 metric tonnes and ‘Namoona’, carrying 20 metric tonnes.

Meanwhile, Happy Market is currently producing ‘Life’ bottled water at maximum capacity, catering to the public, businesses, and resorts.

Happy Market Purchases and Procurement Manager Akram stated that, while the company is unable to provide unlimited supplies, they are working to sell water at an equitable rate.

The public can at the moment purchase one case of four 5 litre bottles at any of the Happy Market outlets in the city for MVR56 (US$3)

Akram stated that other producers of bottled water are slowly resuming retail, which would stabilise the situation while taking some pressure off the sole seller of bottled water.

Leaving water troubles behind

While the queues at free distribution centres grow shorter, there are reports that many residents of Malé have chosen to travel to other islands, especially nearby Villingili and Hulhumalé – both of which have unaffected supply.

Guest house owners confirm that all accomodation at these islands are now fully booked, while some guesthouses have started a new strategy of only renting rooms to Malé residents on an hourly basis.

Traditionally, December is the time of the year when customary circumcision parties are held in the Maldives – which typically include a week long celebration after young boys undergo the procedure.

Fathimath Waheeda stated that on December 4, she had to move her son from the hospital to Villingili as, due to the water shortage, she could not cater to the multitude of guests who would visit her son’s party.

“I rented a room in Villingili and we are having the party here. Less people turn up, but at least there are no concerns of hygiene or catering here,” she said.

Limited water, Limited services

Local businesses are also facing hardship due to the water troubles, with some opting to temporarily close down business until water services resume.

Others continue to persevere, with many gathering water from distribution centres, or collecting water at the limited dispensing hours.

Fahari Cafe’ – run at the North Harbour of Malé – said it is attempting to run business as usual, assigning one employee the task of going to queue at water distribution centres, while another stays alert to collect water during dispensing hours.

Abdulla Saeed, owner of a food outlet called “Home Delivery” stated that they are following the same process.

“What else can we do? This is the work we do to feed ourselves. We cannot give it up regardless of how difficult it may be,” he said.

Marble Hotel owner Athif Saleem said that guests are aware of the crisis and that therefore very few complaints are received.

“We are providing well water to the guestrooms and notifying them of the water supply dispension hours. We are also using rainwater in the cafe for washing purposes and services are available. However, we are getting fewer local customers in the cafe’ during this crisis,” he explained.

Hair salons are also facing difficulties in providing normal services. Many claimed to be open only to offer a limited number of services – those which require a minimal amount of water usage.

Cyza Salon also spoke of decreased number of customers during the crisis.

“Like most others, we also bring water from the distribution centres. We aren’t getting too many customers these four days but if someone does come, we will try to provide services as best as we can”.

According to Special Task Force member Minister of Home Affairs Umar Naseer, it will take upto 10 days or more for regular water supply services to resume.

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Rare sightings expected at second Whale Shark Festival

Gangehi island resort in Alif Alif Atoll welcomed an unusual tourist this week, as a baby whale shark was temporarily accommodated before being released in the same spot it had been caught by fishermen earlier in the day.

The 1.5ft shark – named ‘Noomaa’ or Blue Flower by its hosts – was hailed by marine experts as “extremely rare” and a sign that there may have been a change in breeding cycles.

“The sighting of a neonate [newborn] whale shark in the Maldives is hugely exciting because of how rare such encounters are – there has only been a handful of neonate encounters recorded globally,” said Richard Rees, director of the Maldives Whale Shark Research Programme (MWSRP).

But whether Noomaa – who could grow up to 12 metres long, and weigh up to 21 tonnes – will be seen again remains a mystery, explained Rees, as little is known about the animals behaviour and breeding patterns.

However, guaranteed sightings of the species can be expected further south in Alif Dhaalu Dhangethi this weekend when three of the gentle giants – the largest known fish species – will swim through the streets.

The model sharks – designed and created by the local artists – will be joined by a giant green turtle, butterfly fish, and a manta ray as part of the second annual Maldives Whale Shark Festival.

Organised by the MWSRP, the festival represents the culmination of five months of community engagement which has produced artwork celebrating the atoll’s marine diversity.

Started as a scientific expedition in 2006, MWSRP has grown to become the only long-­term organisation dedicated to study the iconic, yet vulnerable whale shark species in the Maldives.

Since that time, the programme has logged over 1,500 encounters with whale sharks as well as helping to establish the world’s first training manual to educate industry stakeholders on sustainable whale shark tourism.

A proliferation of boat strike incidents in the increasingly crowded Alif Dhaalu atoll demonstrates the need to protect the creatures as they play an increasing role in the tourism industry.

“The community needs to be invested in the preservation of this iconic fish.  It’s essential that there is a good level of awareness as to the value of the whale shark to South Ari atoll and the country as a whole,” explained Rees.

“That’s what this festival is all about, raising awareness in a creative and fun way. Everyone who values the whale shark and it’s habitat, coming together and celebrating the largest fish on the planet and its significance to them and their region.”

A core part of the programme’s attempts to advance the field of whale shark knowledge while advocating for sound conservation policies involves encouraging community and industry stakeholder participation.

“This is  just  the  beginning – we  plan on putting  the  festival  on the cultural calendar for the Maldives, bringing people from across the country and the world together to celebrate the rich marine and cultural diversity of the archipelago,” explained Festival Director Chloe Osborne.

The Maldives is unique as the only place known to have year-round whale shark populations, which have been protected under Maldivian law since 1996, and are classified as vulnerable by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) – also a partner in Saturday’s festival.

This weekends efforts will help in the continued endeavour to uncover the answers to many of questions that remain about the lives of these ocean giants.

“The whale shark is a particularly challenging creature to research because of the amount of time it spends at depth and far out to sea. But anything we can learn helps us to make decisions about how to protect it,” said Rees.

Indeed, Noomaa’s surprise visit to Gangehi resort this week has raised more questions than it has answered – including whether he has headed south to attend this weekend’s festival.

While it could be surmised from Noomaa’s appearance that the Maldives must be a pupping site for whale sharks, Rees noted that it was also possible that he was swept into the archipalego by ocean currents and perhaps chased into shallow waters by predators.

“Truth be told no one really knows where whale sharks breed but it’s thought that it occurs deep down and far out to sea.”

“We hope that like many of the individual whale sharks we see Noomaa becomes a regular visitor to Ari atoll.”

The Maldives Whale Shark Festival carnival will take place in Alif Dhaalu Dhangethi this Saturday (December 6) at 1pm.


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President Yameen’s anniversary – The economy in review

President Abdulla Yameen’s election campaign was focused heavily on the economy. The Progressive Party of Maldives’ (PPM) candidate was sold to the public as the “foremost economist in the country,” a no-nonsense leader with a plan and the expertise to rescue the Maldives from its “deep economic pit.”

Indeed, during the Progressive Party of Maldives’ ‘Successful 365 Days’ event in Malé last week, fisheries minister Dr Mohamed Shainee noted that the secret of the economic policy’s successes was President Yameen’s intellect and background in economics.

Yameen had vowed to eliminate the persisting fiscal deficit, achieve a surplus in his third year in office, and double per capita income by the end of his five-year term.

At the launching ceremony of the PPM’s manifesto, Yameen pledged to save MVR4 billion (US$259 million) from the state budget, claiming the 2013 budget had included up to MVR2 billion (US$129 million) in unnecessary expenditure.

Despite these pledges, however, the incoming administration in December 2013 submitted a record MVR17.5 billion (US$ 1.1 billion) state budget for 2014 for parliamentary approval, including MVR1.1 billion (US$71 million) more in recurrent expenditure.

Moreover, proposed streamlining amendments to the Decentralisation Act were not submitted ahead of the second local council elections held on January 18.

After pledging to slash wages of political appointees by 30-50 percent, President Yameen instead imposed a pay cut of 12.5 percent for state ministers and deputy ministers in December, as well as taking only half of his own MVR100,000 (US$6500) salary.

The Yameen administration currently has five ministerial rank appointees – including two ministers at the President’s Office –  36 state minister rank appointees, and 72 deputy minister rank appointees.

Last week, former PPM MP Ahmed Shareef Adam became the 10th deputy minister at the education ministry.

Economic policy

While the government fulfilled a pledge to raise the monthly allowance for the elderly to MVR5,000 – reliant on a MVR1 billion investment scheme outside the budget – Finance Minister Abdulla Jihad admitted in August that the government had been forced to rely on the state budget for the handouts.

The government also planned to fulfil a pledge to provide MVR10,000 (US$650) a month for fishermen “regardless of catch” during lean months through a similar insurance scheme with a monthly premium of MVR500.

However, only one fishing vessel has reportedly registered in the scheme so far.

Meanwhile, in contrast to the intransigence faced by former President Dr Mohamed Waheed in obtaining parliamentary approval for his policies, the new administration was able to vote through numerous revenue raising measures in the outgoing 16th People’s Majlis.

The measures included raising the airport service charge from departing foreign passengers to US$25, hiking import duties, reintroducing the tourism bed tax until the end of November, raising the Tourism Goods and Services Tax (T-GST) to 12 percent, and introducing GST for telecommunications services from May 1.

The legislative successes came as the central bank warned that shortfalls in revenue or overruns in expenditure in 2014 “will undermine medium-term debt sustainability and will have adverse implications for exchange rate and prices.”

Subsequently, the parliamentary elections in March saw the PPM and coalition partner the Maldives Development Alliance secure a comfortable majority in the 17th People’s Majlis.

In the aftermath of the polls, four independent MPs, three opposition MDP MPs, and three Jumhooree Party MPs signed for the PPM, sealing a 43-seat simple majority for the ruling party.

The parliamentary majority subsequently allowed the government to fast-track its flagship special economic zone (SEZ) legislation – the cornerstone of President Yameen’s economic policy – in the face of vehement protests from opposition MPs.

The MDP contended that that the law would pave the way for money laundering and other criminal enterprises, undermine local councils, and authorise the president to “openly sell off the country” without parliamentary oversight.

Former President Mohamed Nasheed dubbed the legislation the ‘Artur Brothers bill’, referring to an infamous pair of Armenians linked with money laundering and drug trafficking who made headlines last year after they were photographed with cabinet ministers.

The government, however, maintained that SEZs with relaxed regulations and tax concessions were necessary to attract foreign investors.

President Yameen declared in April that the SEZ bill would become “a landmark law” that would strengthen the country’s foreign investment regime.

Attracting foreign investment

Hailing the passage of the bill in August, President Yameen said his administration has “created the legal environment required to attract major investments.”

At an investor forum held in Singapore in April – where the government sought investors for five ‘mega projects’ – Yameen committed to “exploring openings for increasing foreign investment flows to non-traditional sectors to lift Maldives beyond the image of a picturesque postcard.”

The mega projects include iHavan or ‘Ihavandhippolhu Integrated Development Project,’ – which envisions a transhipment port to capitalise on trade and commercial opportunities in the South Indian Ocean – a ‘youth city’ in Hulhumalé, the expansion of the Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA), relocation and expansion of the central port to Thilafushi, and exploration for oil and gas.

Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb – also chairman of the SEZ investment board, who was implicated in a US$6 million dollar corruption scandal last month –  has suggested that even if one project such as iHavan “takes off” with US$1.3 billion worth of investment, the economy would be “transformed.”

Meanwhile, following the historic visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping in September, China announced it would “favorably consider” financing the iconic Malé-Hulhulé bridge should it prove feasible.

President Yameen recently announced that further land reclamation the second phase of the Hulhumalé development project would begin before the end of November.

During last week’s anniversary celebrations, Dr Shainee noted that 19 foreign investors have registered in the country, with a commitment of investing over US$600 million, although no further details were revealed.

While the government appears to be counting on large investments from China – with President Yameen recently slamming  “western colonialists” – the fate of foreign investments made during former President Mohamed Nasheed’s tenure is likely to make potential investors wary.

While the Tatva waste management deal terminated was in September, the GulhiFalhu Global Green City project was recently stalled.

More worringly, a Singapore arbitration tribunal in June found the government of Maldives and state-owned Maldives Airports Company Pvt Ltd (MACL) “jointly and severally liable in damages”to GMR for the termination of a “valid and binding” concession agreement.

The Indian infrastructure giant is currently claiming US$803 million in damages for the abrupt and wrongful termination of the airport development contract.


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Analysis: Gangsters, Islamists, police, and the rule of low

During President Abdulla Yameen’s first year in office, one journalist was disappeared, four people were stabbed to death, dozens suffered near fatal injuries in knifings and criminal gangs began harassing and abducting individuals they deemed un-Islamic.

At least four Maldivians were reportedly killed while fighting with Islamist groups in Syria, and dozens left the country to join the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS).

Yet, Yameen at a rally on November 14 said: “We now have peace and order in Malé and all regions of Maldives. We have peace. However, this is not to say that isolated and significant dangerous crimes do not occur.”

His solution for the allegedly isolated cases of violence is the death penalty and restriction of fundamental freedoms such as the right to remain silent and right to legal counsel.

“I want to say tonight as well in your presence, this government will have no mercy at all for those who slaughter Maldivian citizens with no mercy,” he told supporters at a rally to mark the government’s first anniversary on Thursday. .

The president’s words ring hollow after a year of refusal to even acknowledge the dangers of radicalism and a failure to address increasing criminal and vigilante action by Malé’s gangs. Further, offering draconian measures while ignoring the Maldives Police Services’ inability to ensure minimum standards of public safety raises further doubt over the president’s sincerity.

What Jihad?

Yameen has refused to publicly comment on the increasing numbers of Maldivians fighting in foreign wars, saying in September that the government was unaware of Maldivians fighting abroad. If they were fighting in foreign wars, it was not being done with the government’s consent, he said.

At the time, three Maldivians had been killed while fighting with the Jabhat Al–Nusra Front in Syria. A fourth was reported killed in November.

Soon afterwards, on September 18, Maldives police said there were only 24 Maldivians associated with foreign terrorist groups, but refused to provide further details.

Yameen’s comments came in the same month that hundreds of protestors took to the streets of Malé carrying black ISIS flags, calling for the implementation of the Islamic Shari’ah and rejecting the laws of the 2008 Constitution.

‘We want the laws of the Quran, not the green book [Maldivian constitution]‘, ‘Islam will eradicate secularism’, ‘No democracy, we want just Islam’, ‘To hell with democracy’, ‘Democracy is a failed system’, read some of the placards, which were all written in English.

Police were reportedly unable to stop the protest, despite foreign minister Dunya Maumoon and Islamic minister Dr Shaheem Ali Saeed condemning ISIS’ actions in the Middle East and pledging to ban their supporters’ activities in the Maldives.

Since then, numerous reports of Maldivians leaving the country to join the dozens of Maldivian militants in Syria have surfaced. In October, 23 year old Ahsan Ibrahim, his wife, mother and 10-year-old sister left for ISIS territory, claiming the Maldives is “a land of sin.” Three weeks ago, three Maldivians were apprehended in Sri Lanka on their way to Syria via Turkey.

Although Dunya and Shaheem have spoken out against ISIS, without the president’s acknowledgement of the issue and a comprehensive deradicalisation policy, their statements appear to be mere lip service.

The government has consistently labeled former President Mohamed Nasheed’s vocal criticism on the issue as an attempt to tarnish Maldives’ reputation abroad.

Courting gangs?

As concerning is the government’s refusal to acknowledge growing radicalism among Malé’s criminal gangs and failure to address frequent death threats against journalists and opposition politicians.

Several gangsters, some of whom were seen at the forefront of the ISIS March, reportedly abducted several young men in June to identify advocates of secularism and atheism online.

They forced the young men to hand over their Facebook details before hijacking and shutting down a Facebook group called ‘Colorless’ – among one of the many vibrant forums for discussion on politics. A similar abduction occurred earlier this month.

The police, however, have made no move to investigate the abductions.

The same individuals have been implicated in the disappearance of Minivan News journalist Ahmed Rilwan. Today is the 107th day since he was abducted. Days before his disappearance, Bilad al-Sham, the self-proclaimed voice of Maldivian militants in Syria, warned Rilwan that his days were growing short when he contacted them for comment on a story.

Death threats have become a common occurrence. In August, an estimated 15 journalists from across the political spectrum were threatened with death should they report on a spate of street violence that saw one dead and at least nine grievously injured. The killing was the third fatal knifing in Malé this year.

Since then, journalists and politicians have continued to frequently receive death threats via an anonymous web SMS caster service.

On September 25, a journalist from Haveeru was warned she would be killed if she named the gangster, Ahmed Muaz, responsible for vandalising Minivan News office security cameras. The threat came after she had made a phone call to the police and before she published her article. It is not clear how those who made the threat came to know she was working on the story.

That night, the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party offices were firebombed and Nasheed’s family residence was vandalised. The police, again, have made no move to investigate the death threats or vandalism. Muaz was released within 24 hours of his arrest.

More worrying is that the government’s youth policy appears to be aimed at controlling and appeasing Malé’s gangs.

In August, Yameen intervened and halted a police attempt to dismantle gang huts in Malé. The police had claimed the demolition would curb gang activity. Yameen has also erased 2000 criminal records.

The President’s Office has declined to reveal names and criteria used for the policy decision. The lack of transparency and failure to enact rehabilitation programs signal the move may simply have been to buy the loyalty of a vulnerable sector of youth rather than a genuine effort at rehabilitation.

Meanwhile, government officials including Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb and Defense Minister Mohamed Nazim have been photographed with several gangsters who have records of murder and assault, at several government and PPM functions.

Protect who?

The Maldives Police Service’s performance this year has been dismal, as evident by their poor handling of Rilwan’s disappearance.

An abduction at knifepoint was reported in front of Rilwan’s building at the time he would have reached home on the night he disappeared. Eyewitnesses immediately informed the police.

A team of officers confiscated a knife that abductors dropped on the scene. A couple of officers reportedly went after the car, but failed to stop and search it. If the abduction had been investigated in a timely manner, Rilwan’s fate may be clearer.

Meanwhile, police involvement in crime has been growing this year, with three officers arrested in drug busts in Malé, Hinnavaru, and Addu. Police officers were also accused of cutting down all of Malé City’s areca palm trees.

Minivan News has also learned that the police’s Serious and Organised Crime Department only forwarded 53 of the 465 cases that were lodged this year for prosecution.

Combined, these events suggest a Maldives far removed from the peaceful and orderly country described by the president.

Yameen’s draconian punishments will do little to deter violent crime without a competent police force. Instead of enforcing the death penalty and restricting constitutional freedoms, Yameen must acknowledge and address rising radicalism, and prosecute criminal activity by Malé’s gangs instead of courting them.


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