Category: Features & Comment

Rare sightings expected at second Whale Shark Festival

Gangehi island resort in Alif Alif Atoll welcomed an unusual tourist this week, as a baby whale shark was temporarily accommodated before being released in the same spot it had been caught by fishermen earlier in the day.

The 1.5ft shark – named ‘Noomaa’ or Blue Flower by its hosts – was hailed by marine experts as “extremely rare” and a sign that there may have been a change in breeding cycles.

“The sighting of a neonate [newborn] whale shark in the Maldives is hugely exciting because of how rare such encounters are – there has only been a handful of neonate encounters recorded globally,” said Richard Rees, director of the Maldives Whale Shark Research Programme (MWSRP).

But whether Noomaa – who could grow up to 12 metres long, and weigh up to 21 tonnes – will be seen again remains a mystery, explained Rees, as little is known about the animals behaviour and breeding patterns.

However, guaranteed sightings of the species can be expected further south in Alif Dhaalu Dhangethi this weekend when three of the gentle giants – the largest known fish species – will swim through the streets.

The model sharks – designed and created by the local artists – will be joined by a giant green turtle, butterfly fish, and a manta ray as part of the second annual Maldives Whale Shark Festival.

Organised by the MWSRP, the festival represents the culmination of five months of community engagement which has produced artwork celebrating the atoll’s marine diversity.

Started as a scientific expedition in 2006, MWSRP has grown to become the only long-­term organisation dedicated to study the iconic, yet vulnerable whale shark species in the Maldives.

Since that time, the programme has logged over 1,500 encounters with whale sharks as well as helping to establish the world’s first training manual to educate industry stakeholders on sustainable whale shark tourism.

A proliferation of boat strike incidents in the increasingly crowded Alif Dhaalu atoll demonstrates the need to protect the creatures as they play an increasing role in the tourism industry.

“The community needs to be invested in the preservation of this iconic fish.  It’s essential that there is a good level of awareness as to the value of the whale shark to South Ari atoll and the country as a whole,” explained Rees.

“That’s what this festival is all about, raising awareness in a creative and fun way. Everyone who values the whale shark and it’s habitat, coming together and celebrating the largest fish on the planet and its significance to them and their region.”

A core part of the programme’s attempts to advance the field of whale shark knowledge while advocating for sound conservation policies involves encouraging community and industry stakeholder participation.

“This is  just  the  beginning – we  plan on putting  the  festival  on the cultural calendar for the Maldives, bringing people from across the country and the world together to celebrate the rich marine and cultural diversity of the archipelago,” explained Festival Director Chloe Osborne.

The Maldives is unique as the only place known to have year-round whale shark populations, which have been protected under Maldivian law since 1996, and are classified as vulnerable by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) – also a partner in Saturday’s festival.

This weekends efforts will help in the continued endeavour to uncover the answers to many of questions that remain about the lives of these ocean giants.

“The whale shark is a particularly challenging creature to research because of the amount of time it spends at depth and far out to sea. But anything we can learn helps us to make decisions about how to protect it,” said Rees.

Indeed, Noomaa’s surprise visit to Gangehi resort this week has raised more questions than it has answered – including whether he has headed south to attend this weekend’s festival.

While it could be surmised from Noomaa’s appearance that the Maldives must be a pupping site for whale sharks, Rees noted that it was also possible that he was swept into the archipalego by ocean currents and perhaps chased into shallow waters by predators.

“Truth be told no one really knows where whale sharks breed but it’s thought that it occurs deep down and far out to sea.”

“We hope that like many of the individual whale sharks we see Noomaa becomes a regular visitor to Ari atoll.”

The Maldives Whale Shark Festival carnival will take place in Alif Dhaalu Dhangethi this Saturday (December 6) at 1pm.


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President Yameen’s anniversary – The economy in review

President Abdulla Yameen’s election campaign was focused heavily on the economy. The Progressive Party of Maldives’ (PPM) candidate was sold to the public as the “foremost economist in the country,” a no-nonsense leader with a plan and the expertise to rescue the Maldives from its “deep economic pit.”

Indeed, during the Progressive Party of Maldives’ ‘Successful 365 Days’ event in Malé last week, fisheries minister Dr Mohamed Shainee noted that the secret of the economic policy’s successes was President Yameen’s intellect and background in economics.

Yameen had vowed to eliminate the persisting fiscal deficit, achieve a surplus in his third year in office, and double per capita income by the end of his five-year term.

At the launching ceremony of the PPM’s manifesto, Yameen pledged to save MVR4 billion (US$259 million) from the state budget, claiming the 2013 budget had included up to MVR2 billion (US$129 million) in unnecessary expenditure.

Despite these pledges, however, the incoming administration in December 2013 submitted a record MVR17.5 billion (US$ 1.1 billion) state budget for 2014 for parliamentary approval, including MVR1.1 billion (US$71 million) more in recurrent expenditure.

Moreover, proposed streamlining amendments to the Decentralisation Act were not submitted ahead of the second local council elections held on January 18.

After pledging to slash wages of political appointees by 30-50 percent, President Yameen instead imposed a pay cut of 12.5 percent for state ministers and deputy ministers in December, as well as taking only half of his own MVR100,000 (US$6500) salary.

The Yameen administration currently has five ministerial rank appointees – including two ministers at the President’s Office –  36 state minister rank appointees, and 72 deputy minister rank appointees.

Last week, former PPM MP Ahmed Shareef Adam became the 10th deputy minister at the education ministry.

Economic policy

While the government fulfilled a pledge to raise the monthly allowance for the elderly to MVR5,000 – reliant on a MVR1 billion investment scheme outside the budget – Finance Minister Abdulla Jihad admitted in August that the government had been forced to rely on the state budget for the handouts.

The government also planned to fulfil a pledge to provide MVR10,000 (US$650) a month for fishermen “regardless of catch” during lean months through a similar insurance scheme with a monthly premium of MVR500.

However, only one fishing vessel has reportedly registered in the scheme so far.

Meanwhile, in contrast to the intransigence faced by former President Dr Mohamed Waheed in obtaining parliamentary approval for his policies, the new administration was able to vote through numerous revenue raising measures in the outgoing 16th People’s Majlis.

The measures included raising the airport service charge from departing foreign passengers to US$25, hiking import duties, reintroducing the tourism bed tax until the end of November, raising the Tourism Goods and Services Tax (T-GST) to 12 percent, and introducing GST for telecommunications services from May 1.

The legislative successes came as the central bank warned that shortfalls in revenue or overruns in expenditure in 2014 “will undermine medium-term debt sustainability and will have adverse implications for exchange rate and prices.”

Subsequently, the parliamentary elections in March saw the PPM and coalition partner the Maldives Development Alliance secure a comfortable majority in the 17th People’s Majlis.

In the aftermath of the polls, four independent MPs, three opposition MDP MPs, and three Jumhooree Party MPs signed for the PPM, sealing a 43-seat simple majority for the ruling party.

The parliamentary majority subsequently allowed the government to fast-track its flagship special economic zone (SEZ) legislation – the cornerstone of President Yameen’s economic policy – in the face of vehement protests from opposition MPs.

The MDP contended that that the law would pave the way for money laundering and other criminal enterprises, undermine local councils, and authorise the president to “openly sell off the country” without parliamentary oversight.

Former President Mohamed Nasheed dubbed the legislation the ‘Artur Brothers bill’, referring to an infamous pair of Armenians linked with money laundering and drug trafficking who made headlines last year after they were photographed with cabinet ministers.

The government, however, maintained that SEZs with relaxed regulations and tax concessions were necessary to attract foreign investors.

President Yameen declared in April that the SEZ bill would become “a landmark law” that would strengthen the country’s foreign investment regime.

Attracting foreign investment

Hailing the passage of the bill in August, President Yameen said his administration has “created the legal environment required to attract major investments.”

At an investor forum held in Singapore in April – where the government sought investors for five ‘mega projects’ – Yameen committed to “exploring openings for increasing foreign investment flows to non-traditional sectors to lift Maldives beyond the image of a picturesque postcard.”

The mega projects include iHavan or ‘Ihavandhippolhu Integrated Development Project,’ – which envisions a transhipment port to capitalise on trade and commercial opportunities in the South Indian Ocean – a ‘youth city’ in Hulhumalé, the expansion of the Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA), relocation and expansion of the central port to Thilafushi, and exploration for oil and gas.

Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb – also chairman of the SEZ investment board, who was implicated in a US$6 million dollar corruption scandal last month –  has suggested that even if one project such as iHavan “takes off” with US$1.3 billion worth of investment, the economy would be “transformed.”

Meanwhile, following the historic visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping in September, China announced it would “favorably consider” financing the iconic Malé-Hulhulé bridge should it prove feasible.

President Yameen recently announced that further land reclamation the second phase of the Hulhumalé development project would begin before the end of November.

During last week’s anniversary celebrations, Dr Shainee noted that 19 foreign investors have registered in the country, with a commitment of investing over US$600 million, although no further details were revealed.

While the government appears to be counting on large investments from China – with President Yameen recently slamming  “western colonialists” – the fate of foreign investments made during former President Mohamed Nasheed’s tenure is likely to make potential investors wary.

While the Tatva waste management deal terminated was in September, the GulhiFalhu Global Green City project was recently stalled.

More worringly, a Singapore arbitration tribunal in June found the government of Maldives and state-owned Maldives Airports Company Pvt Ltd (MACL) “jointly and severally liable in damages”to GMR for the termination of a “valid and binding” concession agreement.

The Indian infrastructure giant is currently claiming US$803 million in damages for the abrupt and wrongful termination of the airport development contract.


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Analysis: Gangsters, Islamists, police, and the rule of low

During President Abdulla Yameen’s first year in office, one journalist was disappeared, four people were stabbed to death, dozens suffered near fatal injuries in knifings and criminal gangs began harassing and abducting individuals they deemed un-Islamic.

At least four Maldivians were reportedly killed while fighting with Islamist groups in Syria, and dozens left the country to join the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS).

Yet, Yameen at a rally on November 14 said: “We now have peace and order in Malé and all regions of Maldives. We have peace. However, this is not to say that isolated and significant dangerous crimes do not occur.”

His solution for the allegedly isolated cases of violence is the death penalty and restriction of fundamental freedoms such as the right to remain silent and right to legal counsel.

“I want to say tonight as well in your presence, this government will have no mercy at all for those who slaughter Maldivian citizens with no mercy,” he told supporters at a rally to mark the government’s first anniversary on Thursday. .

The president’s words ring hollow after a year of refusal to even acknowledge the dangers of radicalism and a failure to address increasing criminal and vigilante action by Malé’s gangs. Further, offering draconian measures while ignoring the Maldives Police Services’ inability to ensure minimum standards of public safety raises further doubt over the president’s sincerity.

What Jihad?

Yameen has refused to publicly comment on the increasing numbers of Maldivians fighting in foreign wars, saying in September that the government was unaware of Maldivians fighting abroad. If they were fighting in foreign wars, it was not being done with the government’s consent, he said.

At the time, three Maldivians had been killed while fighting with the Jabhat Al–Nusra Front in Syria. A fourth was reported killed in November.

Soon afterwards, on September 18, Maldives police said there were only 24 Maldivians associated with foreign terrorist groups, but refused to provide further details.

Yameen’s comments came in the same month that hundreds of protestors took to the streets of Malé carrying black ISIS flags, calling for the implementation of the Islamic Shari’ah and rejecting the laws of the 2008 Constitution.

‘We want the laws of the Quran, not the green book [Maldivian constitution]‘, ‘Islam will eradicate secularism’, ‘No democracy, we want just Islam’, ‘To hell with democracy’, ‘Democracy is a failed system’, read some of the placards, which were all written in English.

Police were reportedly unable to stop the protest, despite foreign minister Dunya Maumoon and Islamic minister Dr Shaheem Ali Saeed condemning ISIS’ actions in the Middle East and pledging to ban their supporters’ activities in the Maldives.

Since then, numerous reports of Maldivians leaving the country to join the dozens of Maldivian militants in Syria have surfaced. In October, 23 year old Ahsan Ibrahim, his wife, mother and 10-year-old sister left for ISIS territory, claiming the Maldives is “a land of sin.” Three weeks ago, three Maldivians were apprehended in Sri Lanka on their way to Syria via Turkey.

Although Dunya and Shaheem have spoken out against ISIS, without the president’s acknowledgement of the issue and a comprehensive deradicalisation policy, their statements appear to be mere lip service.

The government has consistently labeled former President Mohamed Nasheed’s vocal criticism on the issue as an attempt to tarnish Maldives’ reputation abroad.

Courting gangs?

As concerning is the government’s refusal to acknowledge growing radicalism among Malé’s criminal gangs and failure to address frequent death threats against journalists and opposition politicians.

Several gangsters, some of whom were seen at the forefront of the ISIS March, reportedly abducted several young men in June to identify advocates of secularism and atheism online.

They forced the young men to hand over their Facebook details before hijacking and shutting down a Facebook group called ‘Colorless’ – among one of the many vibrant forums for discussion on politics. A similar abduction occurred earlier this month.

The police, however, have made no move to investigate the abductions.

The same individuals have been implicated in the disappearance of Minivan News journalist Ahmed Rilwan. Today is the 107th day since he was abducted. Days before his disappearance, Bilad al-Sham, the self-proclaimed voice of Maldivian militants in Syria, warned Rilwan that his days were growing short when he contacted them for comment on a story.

Death threats have become a common occurrence. In August, an estimated 15 journalists from across the political spectrum were threatened with death should they report on a spate of street violence that saw one dead and at least nine grievously injured. The killing was the third fatal knifing in Malé this year.

Since then, journalists and politicians have continued to frequently receive death threats via an anonymous web SMS caster service.

On September 25, a journalist from Haveeru was warned she would be killed if she named the gangster, Ahmed Muaz, responsible for vandalising Minivan News office security cameras. The threat came after she had made a phone call to the police and before she published her article. It is not clear how those who made the threat came to know she was working on the story.

That night, the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party offices were firebombed and Nasheed’s family residence was vandalised. The police, again, have made no move to investigate the death threats or vandalism. Muaz was released within 24 hours of his arrest.

More worrying is that the government’s youth policy appears to be aimed at controlling and appeasing Malé’s gangs.

In August, Yameen intervened and halted a police attempt to dismantle gang huts in Malé. The police had claimed the demolition would curb gang activity. Yameen has also erased 2000 criminal records.

The President’s Office has declined to reveal names and criteria used for the policy decision. The lack of transparency and failure to enact rehabilitation programs signal the move may simply have been to buy the loyalty of a vulnerable sector of youth rather than a genuine effort at rehabilitation.

Meanwhile, government officials including Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb and Defense Minister Mohamed Nazim have been photographed with several gangsters who have records of murder and assault, at several government and PPM functions.

Protect who?

The Maldives Police Service’s performance this year has been dismal, as evident by their poor handling of Rilwan’s disappearance.

An abduction at knifepoint was reported in front of Rilwan’s building at the time he would have reached home on the night he disappeared. Eyewitnesses immediately informed the police.

A team of officers confiscated a knife that abductors dropped on the scene. A couple of officers reportedly went after the car, but failed to stop and search it. If the abduction had been investigated in a timely manner, Rilwan’s fate may be clearer.

Meanwhile, police involvement in crime has been growing this year, with three officers arrested in drug busts in Malé, Hinnavaru, and Addu. Police officers were also accused of cutting down all of Malé City’s areca palm trees.

Minivan News has also learned that the police’s Serious and Organised Crime Department only forwarded 53 of the 465 cases that were lodged this year for prosecution.

Combined, these events suggest a Maldives far removed from the peaceful and orderly country described by the president.

Yameen’s draconian punishments will do little to deter violent crime without a competent police force. Instead of enforcing the death penalty and restricting constitutional freedoms, Yameen must acknowledge and address rising radicalism, and prosecute criminal activity by Malé’s gangs instead of courting them.


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President Yameen’s anniversary – The Year in Review

Analysis: President Yameen’s first year – Towards good governance?

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Analysis: President Yameen’s first year – Towards good governance?

During his inauguration one year ago President Abdulla Yameen said: “I take over the presidency of the Maldives today with a vision of tomorrow and new dreams, heralding new thoughts, giving new hopes to the people”.

Four years now remain in which to bring a new and improved governance to the Maldives.

The United Nations lists the major characteristics of good governance as being consensus oriented, participatory, following the rule of law, efficient, accountable, transparent, responsive, and equitable.

Arriving in office through an electoral process that failed to meet all but two of the above qualities, the Yameen administration benefitted from a lack of transparency, accountability, and a flexible approach to the rule of law before any oaths were even taken.

Pre-existing problems with the judiciary and the electoral process appear to have worsened, while elected officials have failed to respond to public safety concerns or to adopt a consensus-based approach to policy making.

Development and decentralisation

President Yameen promised to bring development to the country as never seen before, saying his government would be one of results. To this end, he has brought the concept of special economic zones to the Maldives.

The UNDP’s Human Development Report noted this year that regional disparities continue to grow, and the tourism minister has stated that the Special Economic Zones Act will bring the potential to transform the economy with just a single of many proposed ‘mega-projects’.

The subsequent act, while in theory containing the potential to develop the outer atolls and diversify the economy away from the tourism industry, contains a number of serious governance issues – as did the act’s passage.

Consensus for the bill from opposition Jumhooree Party came only after a number of party leader Gasim Ibrahim’s businesses fell victim to a series of well-timed government interventions, with the party soon issuing a three-line whip to support SEZs.

The unelected composition of the SEZ investment board – consisting entirely of cabinet members – with powers to override local authorities in the yet-to-be-determined zones suggests centralised decision making without the consensus of all relevant stakeholders.

“Land, labour, and capital – the central government and the regional governments are fighting for it as we don’t have enough resources even for the existing government to cover the budget deficits.”

“I believe when there’s enough economic activity we can give more powers to the councils”.

– Minister of Tourism and Chair of SEZ investment board – Ahmed Adeeb

Minister of Tourism and Chairman of the SEZ investment board Ahmed Adeeb has said that local councils will be consulted, but has made clear that the final decisions remain with the central government, lending credence to accusations that the country’s decentralisation project has stalled.

‘Safeguarding the rights of all citizens to actively engage in the democratic process’ – under the heading ‘Decentralisation’ – was one of a number of government pledges recently made available on the President’s Office website.

There has been a steady removal of powers, however, from Malé City Council over the past year, with continued contradictions between a number of laws and decentralisation legislation being used to undermine the council’s work rather than being amended.

Decentralisation of political power has been noted as having positive effects on governance via improved participation, accountability, and responsiveness, though the current model falls short in terms of efficiency.

For a small country like the Maldives, with mounting pressures, fiscal crisis and high debt distress, it is time that political parties, institutions, civil society and the public engage in debate; and agree to right-size the governance system, to make it more sustainable and to maximize the democratic dividend and enhance the freedoms and choices for the people.

UNDP: Maldives Human Development Report 2014

The Yameen administration has made noises about improving the efficiency of decentralised government, although a clear strategy on population redistribution has not emerged which would enhance the delivery of regional services.

A failure to make long-term plans has been cited by the UNDP as a victim of the democratic transition, with long-term development priorities becoming closely tied to the government of the day.

“Political parties and political leaders need to start thinking beyond the ballot,” read the recent human development report.

Although plans to target wasteful electricity subsidies have been planned by the finance ministry, the introduction of an unlimited healthcare scheme and increased pension payouts appear to contradict pledges to sustainably manage public finances.

Transparency, accountability, and responsiveness

Though published in the months prior to President Yameen’s election, Transparency Maldives’ finding of a crisis of public confidence in governing institutions maintains relevance one year on.

The unpredictability of electoral law was typified by the decision of the Supreme Court to dismiss half of the Elections Commission in February, with the additional suo moto case against the Human Rights Commission leaving independent institutions unsure of their constitutional roles.

Additionally, the failure of the authorities to take action against Supreme Court Judge Ali Hameed, despite calls for his suspension being recommended by the judicial watchdog, will have done little to enhance accountability within the judiciary. Charges in relation to the judge’s alleged appearance in a series of sex tapes were dropped due to lack of evidence.

“If we don’t want an executive dictatorship from a dictatorship, we don’t want a judicial dictatorship either.”

“[Misinterpreting the Constitution] should be brought to an end. It won’t come to a halt by jailing those who talk about this. Someone has to raise their voices on behalf of the people,”

Former Justice Minister Ahmed ‘Seena’ Zahir

While right to information legislation has been passed, pledges to make all of the government’s information directly available to the public have yet to be realised, with updates of monthly expenditure discontinued in February.

The instant dismissal of corruption allegations made against the tourism minister by the auditor general suggested major issues with transparency as well as contradicting clear campaign pledges to investigate and act in such cases.

A recent report from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) has confirmed anecdotal reports of vote-buying during the Majlis elections, adding further weight to the calls of international election observers to enhance the transparency of campaign finance.

Furthermore, the large number of MPs and state officials who justified switches to the Progressive Party of Maldives as the only way to serve their constituents also suggests issues with the fair and impartial distribution of government resources.

Prior to assuming office the party had pledged to amend the law to stipulate that MPs who switch parties before the end of their term would lose their seats. After winning 33 seats in the March polls, the PPM has gained an additional 10 MPs.

“Vote buying is a serious problem in the Maldives, and if not addressed it threatens to undermine the democratic process in the country.

Though vote buying is a common problem in some parts of the world, the proportions that it has assumed in the Maldives are alarming.”

IFES: Money and Elections in the Maldives – Perceptions and Reality

Finally, while the the abduction of Minivan News journalist Ahmed Rilwan has raised  a number of security issues – to be analysed later this week – it has also highlighted deficiencies in the responsiveness of institutions to the needs of the people.

The police’s reluctance to regularly disclose information on the investigation – even to the family – as well as the Majlis’s failure to react despite a 5000 signature petition calling for answers in the search demonstrated a glaring lack of accountability in these institutions.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, the current administration has not moved towards improving the governance issues that played such a prominent role in its rise to power, focusing instead on the centralisation of authority and a push for large scale infrastructure projects.

Twelve months into the Yameen administration, it is clear that insufficient attention has been paid towards good governance, with the centralisation of power and a drive towards economic diversification coming at the expense of transparency and accountability.


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‘Junk’ councillor takes part in SLOW LIFE Symposia

Baa atoll Maalhos Councilor Abdul Matheen Solih has said the authority has been labeled the ‘Gondu’ – or junk – council after they started actively participating in improving the island’s waste management.

“The islanders have started calling us the ‘Gondu’ after we have physically started going to the junkyard and working on the waste management,” said Matheen.

Matheen and his fellow councillors have been the labelled with the derogatory term after they set out to do what the majority of the country has failed to by recycling materials rather than burning them or dumping them in a landfill.

Public disregard for work done towards the betterment of the environment was one of the main issues raised at the recent SLOW LIFE symposia which brought local environmental NGOs, councillors, and government officials together to discuss responsible waste management and sustainability.

The symposia – held on November 17- was a sister event to the annual SLOW LIFE Symposium which has previously seen the participation of philanthropists and celebrities such as UK entrepreneur Richard Branson and actor Ed Norton.

Maalhos council also complained of the lack of response from the government to the opposition majority council, with Matheen recalling the failure to be provided with the MVR45 (US$3) needed for gloves for safety reasons while working at the junkyard.

He provided assurance, however, that the council would not succumb to the challenges, revealing plans to implement a sustainable waste management system by adopting the recycling based model currently implemented in Baa Atoll Ukulhas.

NGOS making a difference

Meanwhile, Environmental NGO Save the Beach highlighted the plight of Villingili beach – filled with garbage every weekend by visitors from the capital Malé, where there is no natural beach.

Save the Beach – which started as a youth movement in 2008 aiming to conserve the natural beauty of the Villingili beaches – now conducts clean up and awareness programs not only in Villingili but also in many other inhabited islands.

Speaking of the busy Villingili beach, co–founder Hassan Ahmed ‘Beybe’ said that the NGO has no other option but conducting daily clean-ups alongside major clean up events to keep the beach garbage free.

A recent Save the Beach organised beach clean-up saw the participation of officers and crew from the USS Rodney M Davis – the US Navy’s 7th fleet missile frigate on its last tour of duty.

When asked about the reception of the work done by the NGO, ‘Beybe’ said that they have received positive support from the Villingili community and that it now “understands the importance of preserving the beach”.

Other active NGOs present at the Symposia included his manta ray awareness and conservation organisation Manta Trust, Maldives Lifeguard Association, Dhi Youth Movement and Maldives Body Boarding Association.

Environmental Activism

Environmentalist, Aishath Niyaz who has been involved in environmental activism for over 12 years shared her experiences as an activist and highlighted some of the broader issues with the current environmental situation in the country.

“The biggest constraint is definitely managing finances. I am very lucky as I do not have huge expenses but sometimes I wonder how long I will be able to keep on going like this,” said Aishath.

Aishath’s concerns of financial difficulty were not unique to her but were echoed throughout the Symposia by many of the younger participants.

Having reviously worked at various related institutions, Aishath now provides technical support for local NGOs and small authorities after completing her education in sustainable development by making a decision to not work in institutions which “lack integrity”.

Proving that activism can be done in various forms and arts was local photographer Asad Nazeer ‘Funko’ who, while specialising in fashion and portrait photography, also creates thought provoking art pieces about pressing environmental and social issues.

SLOW LIFE

The event was organised by the award-winning Soneva Fushi resort whose founders Sonu and Eva Shivdasani initiated the SLOW LIFE foundation based on the resort’s philosophies of low impact and sustainable luxury tourism with SLOW LIFE being an acronym for Sustainable-Local-Organic-Wellness and Learning-Inspiring-Fun-Experiences.

While speaking at the event, Shivdasani said that the SLOW LIFE initiative reflects Soneva group’s core beliefs such as ‘intelligent luxury’ and that he believes that dedicated businesses, not governments will bring change to the world.

The participants at the Symposia were given a platform to voice their concerns over environmental sustainability in the Maldives, resulting in an action plan for the upcoming year to address these environmental challenges.

The day long symposia, which included a tour of Soneva Fush’s gardens and waste management programme, ended with discussions on ‘real’ actions that can be done in the next 12 months to contribute to the cause.

During the discussions, the individuals and NGOs chose to commit to different initiatives which will come under the banner ‘Clean Maldives’.



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President Yameen’s anniversary – The Year in Review

Today marks one year since Abdulla Yameen was sworn into office as the 6th president of the Maldives, stating that his government was to be “one of results”.

Twelve months on, the government can certainly claim the result of a strong majority in the People’s Majlis, positioning itself well to enact an ambitious legislative programme.

Yameen’s administration has taken a tough line on illegal immigration as well as pushing through legislation with the potential to change the country’s economic landscape.

Less clear, however, are the results regarding the removal of the Maldives from the “deep economic pit” in which the president found it.

Additionally, the decision to re-implement the death penalty has not resulted in a reduction in the number of violent crimes, and the intimidation of journalists and politicians has resulted in international concern.

The foreign policy of the Yameen administration has been the result of a combined desire to attract foreign investment and an oft-stated determination to preserve the country’s sovereignty and religion – a combination it assures is compatible, depending on the partner.

Yameen’s recent acknowledgement of a turn away from “western colonialists” towards the east has been preceded by a year of growing Maldivian-Chinese relations, culminating in the historic visit of President Xi Jinpeng to Malé in September.

The visit of President Xi saw agreements signed on the development of Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA) and the iconic Malé-Hulhulé bridge, which China will “favorably consider” financing should it prove feasible.

Should Chinese favor not fall upon the bridge project, however, there appear few takers for investment – despite the introduction of the administration’s landmark Special Economic Zones Act in August.

While a number of ‘mega projects’ had been pitched to investors in Singapore in April, Beijing continues to be the only investor calling.

Perhaps a more significant development for investors was the June decision by a Singapore arbitration court to rule in favour of ousted Indian infrastructure giant GMR, with damages owed for the 2012 termination of the INIA development deal currently being determined.

The fate of pre-existing foreign investments this year will have done little to attract new business, with the Tatva waste management deal terminated in September and the GulhiFalhu Global Green City project having recently stalled.

Tourism has continued to drive economic growth this year, assisted by the rapidly expanding Chinese and Russian markets – though the latter will not have aided by the handing over of alleged hacker Roman Seleznyov to US security officials in July.

Twelve months in office

The past year has seen the introduction of right to information legislation as well as the passing of the long-awaited new penal code.

Bills combating torture, human-trafficking, money laundering, and the financing of terrorism have also been approved – the former two being passed prior to the ruling coalition’s success in March’s parliamentary polls.

The steady stream of defections to the ruling Progressive Party of Maldives prior to the elections continued afterwards, with the party soon turning a 33 seat haul at the polls into a 43 seat majority in the Majlis.

Despite the Maldivian Democratic Party’s poor showing prompting calls for new leadership, the party’s presidential election in August saw former President Mohamed Nasheed as the only candidate.

Cracks that had appeared within the ruling coalition during the Majlis election campaign grew wider as the vote for a new Majlis speaker approached. Jumhooree Party leader Gasim Ibrahim’s decision to defy his coalition allies and stand for the position prompted the dissolution of the alliance in May.

Within the government, aside from President Yameen himself, Minister of Defence Mohamed Nazim and Minister of Tourism Ahmed Adeeb appear the most prominent figures.

Deputy leader of the PPM Adeeb also heads the SEZ investment board as well as being co-chair of the Cabinet’s Economic Council. Implicated in a US$6 million dollar corruption scandal last month, Adeeb labelled the auditor general’s report a smear campaign.

Defence minister Nazim, whose remit includes immigration, has overseen the removal of nearly 8,000 undocumented workers in the past 12 months, the majority through a voluntary repatriation scheme.

Nazim is also acting minister of health – a position vacated in August when Dr Mariyam Shakeela failed to gain the approval of PPM MPs following a ministerial shuffle.

Shakeela had previously weathered a number of storms within her ministry – most notably the transfusion of HIV infected blood to a pregnant patient at Malé’s IGMH.

52 weeks on the street

The past twelve months have seen a deterioration in public safety, with a number of high profile incidents unresolved by police.

While vigilante gangs have abducted and assaulted a number individuals based on political affiliation or sexual orientation, a spate of inter-gang violence in the capital has left two dead and more than a dozen injured.

Persistent threats to MPs and journalists were accompanied by the stabbing of MP Alhan Fahmy in February, and the abduction of Minivan News journalist Ahmed Rilwan in August.

The hundredth day since Rilwan’s suspected abduction has coincided with the PPM’s celebrations of one year in office. The police’s failure to progress in the investigation has prompted Rilwan’s family to lodge a case with the Police Integrity Commission.

Beginning with reports of a Maldivian jihadi being killed in Syria in May, three more Maldivians have reportedly been killed, while couples and even whole families have migrated to ISIS-held territories.

Demonstrators marched through the Malé with the ISIS flag in September, shortly after foreign minister Dunya Maumoon condemned the Islamic State’s atrocities in Iraq and Syria, while the Islamic minister advised against Maldivians travelling for jihad.

The prominent role played the Supreme Court in President Yameen’s November victory continued to impact upon the electoral environment as novel ‘suo moto’ proceedings were utilised to dismiss prominent members of the Elections Commission just weeks before the Majlis vote.

A subsequent report by the Human Rights Commission to the UN, detailing the continued centralisation of judicial power, has also prompted the initiation of ‘suo moto’ proceedings, which in turn has sparked concern abroad.

More fortunate in his legal wrangles has been Supreme Court Judge Ali Hameed, whose alleged appearance in a series of sex tapes could not be proven by either the police or the Judicial Services Commission.

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Comment: Find Rilwan, find the Constitution

The preliminary results of the 2014 census show the number of Maldivian citizens has increased by 42,288 since 2006, bringing the total number whose rights are protected under the Constitution to 341,256.

341,256 people whose right to life, liberty, and security of person the state is duty-bound to protect and promote, without discrimination.

The September census still counts Ahmed Rilwan Abdulla, born 18-01-1986, as a Maldivian citizen – and the government’s statisticians are obliged to so for another 4 years.

100 days have now passed since Rilwan disappeared in suspicious circumstances, but wherever he is – and in whatever condition – he continues to be a Maldivian with the same rights as 341,255 other people.

A closer look at Rilwan’s disappearance, however, casts doubt on where those rights are, and in what condition they are in.

A comprehensive list of the ways in which my friend and colleague has had – and continues to have – his basic constitutional rights ignored would normally follow here. But without the fundamental right to life and liberty guaranteed under Article 21, the remaining fall like a house of cards.

Among the rumours that have swirled since Rilwan was taken from us is that he was abducted because of sensitive information he had, or perhaps due to incriminating documents that were in his possession.

But there is mounting evidence to suggest that the document Rilwan was in possession of was in fact the Maldives’ Constitution – born 07-08-2008.

It seems increasingly likely that Rilwan – or his abductor – still has possession of this sensitive text as its whereabouts and prescriptions also appear to have vanished.

Indeed, a closer look at this missing evidence would now seem to condemn a number of institutions whose role is clearly defined within the document.

Article 236 of the Constitution states that the primary role of the Maldives Police Service is to “enable all persons in the Maldives to live in peace, security, and freedom” – in short, to protect Article 21.

In the absence of the original, the Police Integrity Commission will undoubtedly use a copy of the Constitution during their current research into the disappointing progress of the Rilwan’s investigation.

Next under suspicion comes the People’s Majlis, granted authority over the security services under Article 238 (b), whose relevant committees have declined to adequately investigate where Article 21 was taken on August 8, and by whom.

Article 75 says members of the Majlis should be guided by considerations of national interest and public welfare. Perhaps certain members who have seen fit to ignore a 5000 signature petition will recall this should the constitution be found alive and well.

At the cabinet level, the recollection that a minister’s role also requires the defence of public safety – i.e. Article 21 – might be more useful to citizens than the ‘reassurance’ that some crimes just cannot be solved.

Finally, the absence of the Constitution would explain the confusion regarding the role of the president. Locating the missing document would help to confirm the head of state’s sworn duty to uphold, defend, and respect it.

As well as being obliged to ensure the compliance of all state organs with the Constitution, the president was elected to “protect the rights and freedoms of all people”, which leads straight back to Article 21 – Rilwan’s life and his liberty.

To paraphrase President Abdulla Yameen: A constitution is missing, I think. So work will be done to find the constitution, right?

Where is Rilwan? Where is the Constitution? How can 341,255 people feel safe and protected when the rights and freedoms of one man have been abducted with so little resistance?

Ahmed Rilwan, wherever he may be, holds the rights of his 341,255 compatriots. Find Rilwan, and you can rest easy knowing that you are also protected by the state.

For as long as he remains missing, so does the guarantee that you, your friend, your brother, or your child, is among those whose right to life, liberty, and security of person has not also been ‘disappeared’.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to editorial@minivannewsarchive.com

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One hundred days of sorrow: Missing Moyameehaa

This article first appeared on DhivehiSitee.com. Republished with permission

“You run back and forth listening for unusual events,
peering into the faces of travelers.
“Why are you looking at me like a madman?”
I have lost a friend. Please forgive me.” – Rumi

Sunday will be the 100th day since Ahmed Rizwan (Rilwan) Abdulla, @moyameehaa, was abducted. Time has dragged, weighted down by the burden of not knowing. Between then and now much, yet nothing, has happened. The posters brightening a thousand walls with Rilwan’s smile have faded with the sun and dissolved with the rain. Five thousand men and women put pen to paper, ‘Good Sir, kind Madam, please find Rilwan,’ they begged. At least as many thousand Tweets have echoed round the world: ‘#Findmoyameehaa, #Findoyameehaa.’ Hundreds of friends and supporters have marched on Male’s streets with the question: ‘Where is Rilwan?’ Scores have met many miles away in Melbourne and in New York, asking the same question.

Rilwan’s mother has said, to any ears that would listen, ‘I am poor, but my love makes Rilwan a priceless treasure. Please find him for me.’ Hundreds have felt her tears roll down their faces. ‘He is alive,’ Rilwan’s father has insisted. His mind has been far from the assorted fruits and vegetables he sells at the local market. ‘How do you know?’ ask customers who have stopped to listen. Without batting an eyelid he has said, ‘I asked a clairvoyant.’

It may seem odd, approaching a clairvoyant to look for a son abducted in this technologically advanced twenty first century. But when the natural world makes no sense, the supernatural often appears the only consolation. In its investigation into Rilwan’s disappearance, Maldives Police Service (MPS) has been more than negligent; it has been willfully perverse. In hundred days the MPS has given almost as many excuses for making zero progress in the search for Rilwan: nobody was abducted; it was a woman who was abducted; it was not an abduction, it was a rape; Rilwan ‘disappeared himself’; Rilwan is an apostate, not worth looking for; Rilwan is playing an elaborate joke; Rilwan is writing his own missing persons reports; Rilwan was abducted by gangs, there are no gangs in the Maldives; we have arrested someone, we have let him go; Rilwan was abducted by violent extremists, there are no violent extremists in the Maldives; Rilwan is not missing, it is all a political drama; no comment; Rilwan who?

Rilwan the journalist who examined the many maladies of Maldives. Rilwan the teenage blogger who gave a damn about the poor and the wronged. Rilwan the ex-radical who understood the extremist mindset better than all official strategists. Rilwan the story-teller whose #FerryTales shortened the distance between Male’ and Hulhumale’ more than any bridge can. Rilwan the well-mannered young man who respected the elderly. Rilwan the friend who listened. Rilwan the writer who inspired. Rilwan the aspiring poet who read Rumi and Neruda. Rilwan the thinker who sought spiritual succor in meditation, Nusrat Fatah Khan and the Quran. Rilwan the friend who laughed; the brother who baked; the uncle who played; the son who loved. Rilwan the Maldivian who cared.

The reasons why Rilwan’s friends, family and supporters want him found are the very reason the authorities want him to remain missing. What Rilwan abhorred in our society, our rulers cheer loudly.

Rilwan wanted a society free of corruption; our leaders revel in it. He wanted to see Jihadist ideologies become less attractive to young Maldivians; our religious clerics encourage it while the government turns a blind eye. He wanted gang violence to have less power over society; senior government officials outsource authority to favoured gang members. Rilwan wanted equal justice for all; our rulers want judgement and punishment to be arbitrary, wielded by them how and when they please. He wanted a society where citizens shared its wealth more equally; our rulers want all wealth to be their own.

Rilwan wanted us all to think more deeply about how to live a more meaningful, spiritual and equal existence; it is the antithesis of all that our rulers desire. For the moment we begin to think more deeply is the moment we begin to regret voting them in. It would be the beginning of our demand for change, the precursor to saying: ‘Enough. I will not let you rule me anymore.’

If the past 100 days has made anything clear, it is that this government will do all it can to stop Rilwan from being found. It is in its interests to do so. The past 100 days has also made something else very clear: we must do all we can to find out what happened to Rilwan. It is in our interests to do so. Our pursuit of a more just, equal and democratic society, as dreamed of by Rilwan, cannot begin if we forget Rilwan’s abduction and the government’s role in it, either by taking him or covering it up.

Let’s not stop our pressure on the authorities to #FindMoyameehaa. We owe it to Rilwan, and to our future.

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Legendary performer Meynaa Hassaan bids farewell to music

Tomorrow (November 16) will mark 100 days since Minivan News journalist Ahmed Rilwan disappeared. As friends and family continue to hope for his safe return, some of Rilwan’s best work will be re-published as a reminder of his talents and dedication to his profession.

This article was originally published on April 12, 2014.

The news came out yesterday (April 11) – the famous musician ‘Meyna’ Hassaan is going to end his musical career at 49-years-old.

The farewell show’s title ‘Hayyaru Kurumuge Kurin’ (‘Before being arrested’) refers to the fact that Hassaan has been summoned to the Criminal Court on a drug-related case and may soon end up in prison.

His potential incarceration is not the reason Hassaan is ending his musical career, however. His carefully considered decision has been made – in his own words – “to move away from heroin and to move closer to God”.

Tonight’s nostalgic show is going to be as fun and enjoyable as his performances from the nineties, Hassaan promised, with the catchy, hummable, sing-along hits from his earlier albums alongside brand new material.

The lineup – ‘Hassaan and Friends’  – will feature the famous traditional boduberu group ‘Habeys’ – just some of the fellow musicians who will play alongside Hassaan for free this evening. Indeed, the whole show is without any corporate sponsorship.

For Hassaan, the show is very personal and comes with with a personal message. As well as sharing good music, the main objective of the show is to transmit a message regarding heroin addiction – something the majority of Maldivians are directly or indirectly affected by.

“I want to warn the people of Maldives against heroin and drugs. Because I have struggled with it, I lost my family and everything, my whole life was ruined. I want to share my experience. My intention now is to do everything I can to help everyone, old and young, to get out of heroin [addiction],” Hassaan explained.

Musical beginnings

Meyna Hassaan (Hassaan Mohamed) is from Holhudhoo in Noonu Atoll, grandson of the famous Meyna Kaleyfaanu – founder of one of the first schools in the country.

Hassaan’s unique style of music and poetry can be described as melodic, Maldivian, and relatable. The combination of traditional beats and rhythm accompanied by unique Dhivehi lyrics makes him the most ‘Maldivian’ in the modern local music scene. It is for this reason he has received such huge support across generations. His music reflects his poetry, and his poetry reflects the Maldivian traditions, environment, lifestyle, and ethos.

The roots of Hassaan’s music and poetry lie in his childhood. His father was well versed in the Dhivehi language, while his grandmother was a poet who used to sing lullabies and educational and religious songs. Hassaan was also influenced by the Quranic literary form and the local form of melodious recitations.

His brother’s ‘music band’ with home-made instruments also influenced him greatly, along with a musician who was banished to the island when he was young. By the time he was twelve, Hassaan had started writing his own poetry as well as singing and dancing at ‘Hithaanee’ circumcision functions.

“Poetry usually comes to me when I am by myself, and it usually comes in rhymes and in metric forms. I dont have to sit down and fit them, it just comes naturally like that. Then as soon as I write them down and learn it by heart it becomes a song in my head. There it is…and when I go sing it to a musician, they will play some chords and it would all fit perfectly and become a real song.”

In the nineties Saikura Ibrahim Naeem, a poet himself, labelled Hassaan ‘Eesa Dhari’ – a poet from folklore, known for spontaneously making ‘raivaru’ form of poetry after being touched by the raivaru monster’s tongue.

Hassaan came to Malé to study at around 15-years-0ld and soon found himself missing the sound of his brother’s music practice so much that he found it hard to even sleep. Hassaan promptly started his own band with his own friends.

At just 16-years-old he took a job at his brother’s tourist resort, studying in Malé only in the off-season. This is where his musical career and the mixing of traditional and modern musical styles would begin.

Rannaalhi resort would also be the birthplace of the legendary group ‘Zero Degree Atoll’ (ZDA). The band’s member ‘Mohoj’ was a manager at the resort who would meet Nashid and perform at the resort on the weekends. Hassaan would join them, knowing how to please the crowd by mixing Italian and other languages with his poetry.

Rise to fame

Around 1988, Hassaan went with the ZDA group on a trip across the islands to collect the natural and cultural sounds of the Maldives – to be included in their ‘Dhoni’ album. On the trip they gave a show in Naifaru, in Lhaviyani atoll, which would be Hassaan’s first real public performance. The support he got was noted by Nashid and the other musicians who subsequently asked Hassaan to perform with them in Malé.

It was through his performance at the ‘Dhivehi Fannaanun Ge Musikee Eedh’  – an annual music festival for local artists – that the whole country would come to discover Hassaan’s music.

In 1992 he released his first two albums ‘Maldives Fantasy’ and ‘Maldives Ecstasy’.

“After that it seemed impossible to give a show in Malé without my participation. The fame had an impact on my personal life as well. By that time I had already started thinking about leaving the profession,” Hassaan recalled.

His performances were particularly praised by President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom and he soon received a government scholarship to study music in India.

“I was doing really good there, but after an year I lost interest. If I really had a full interest in music, I would have produced more songs though my career. After the first few years [of my career] I started losing interest in it. I loved God too much to focus on these things. I keep singing because of other people’s influence. Wherever I am people see me as a singer.”

This would Hassaan’s first turn towards religion, and his first attempt to quit music. He would grow a beard, wear more Arabic clothing, and spend most of his time in the mosque. He was trying to “live a clean life”, as he puts it.

Fall and return

“Whatever I do, I have to do it right. I can’t follow Islam in parts, I have to follow it completely. But the government at the time did not like that, so I was arrested while I was at the mosque – my beard was shaved with chilli sauce and I spent around forty days in Gaamaadhoo Prison. I thought there was no escape from this whether I do good or bad. I realised there were no democratic or Islamic values here.”

He was asked to write a letter to President Gayoom justifying and detailing his lifestyle change, after which the president himself met Hassaan and offered his unsolicited religious advice. Gayoom explained to him that another man named Hassaan (a companion of the prophet) had used his skills in poetry to prevent a war during the prophet Muhammad’s time.

Hassaan was not convinced that his songs could in any way be compared to this other Hassaan’s poetry. But he felt he had no choice but to return to music as requested by the president.

Hassaan performed at some major shows after the return, such as the O’Neil Deep Blue Open surf event in 2003, the One World Beat music festival to help children with HIV/AIDS in 2004, and the Dhidhooo Eid Festival in 2005.

After another break he returned to music once again in 2007, now describing himself as a moderate Muslim. During this period he released the ‘Oivaru’ album.

Hassaan subsequently disappeared once again from the music scene, returning around 2010. In 2011 he was seen with Maldivian Democratic Party – something he states was based on principles rather than on money – with his political performances being seen as recently as March’s parliamentary elections.

Heroin

Hassaan, like thousands of others around the country, went through a great deal of suffering from heroin addiction for a large part of his life.

“It was around 1996 I think, back then people didn’t have a clue about what heroin really was. A friend would give you some and you would use it, a few days later you realise you absolutely have to use again and then there is no escape from it. At the time people used it to get the cannabis feel, which is not such a harmful drug compared to heroin. But we should not use it either. Human beings do not need any of these drugs. A pure and clean mind is what is best for us, now I am like that.”

Within a year of being released from prison by President Gayoom, Hassaan relapsed. He stayed in Holhudhoo to escape his addiction for a while, but eventually had to return to Malé for work.

“After feeling better I would take some money from my wife before returning to Malé, I would promise her never to use again. But by the time I reache Thulhaagiri I am already thinking about certain houses in Malé. I am thinking about it before I even reach Malé. This is the level of power heroin can have over a person. To come over this strong power, we need a stronger power. And for me that is God.”

For Hassaan, the biggest encouragement to stay away from drugs came when it cost him his marriage and his relationship with his children. Without a place to live, Hassaan realised he had to be clean for good.

Religion

Escaping heroin by turning to God is the main reason Hassaan wants to quit music, as he believes music to be drawing him closer to heroin while turning to God keeps him away from it.

“We have to question ourselves about our purpose in life, we have to be courageous and fight. God has given me courage, and I have fallen in love with God. I love God more than anything else. Merely believing in God is not enough or believing in Islam is not enough. Focusing on God is the only way.”

His turning toward religion came with certain elements of the literalist Salafi form of Islam. Hassaan no longer believes in celebrating birthdays and he no longer believes music is good for people.

“I won’t say it is forbidden in Islam. I can’t tell other people what to do, but I know it has a negative impact on my behavior. It is hard to sleep at night when I get into music, so it is best to stay away from it. As soon as I returned to music I went back to heroin. Why did he [Gayoom] have to bring me back to music?”

Hassaan doesn’t believe that using drugs makes musicians any better in performing or composing, but does feel that turning to God makes him lose interest in music.

However, his body and movements during performances suggests he still loves music. Even during practice sessions last week he still seemed intoxicated with the music, dancing as if in a trance.

Hassaan admits that he still enjoys himself and to this day feels ecstatic whenever he is performing, though he maintains that he does not want to do it anymore.

He is completely abandoning music and poetry, with the exception of patriotic and religious songs without music. When asked if there is any way that he could make music and God coexist in his life, he replied:

“Please let this performance at Raalhugandu be my last. I don’t think I have many days to live.”

Hassaan requests everyone who loves him and his music to join him tonight and stand against heroin.

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