Q&A: Former CEO of IGMH Cathy waters

CEO of Indira Gandhi Memorial Hosptial (IGMH), Cathy Waters, left the Maldives on Friday after more than a year at the helm of the country’s largest hospital. Waters, along with Nursing Director Liz Ambler and Medical Director Rob Primhak were recruited in January 2011 by UK-based NGO Friends of Maldives (FOM) and the Maldives High Commission to improve the quality of local healthcare. Ambler and Primhak have also left. Minivan News spoke to Waters prior to her departure.

Waters provided detailed briefing notes on the state of the hospital to accompany this interview (English)

JJ Robinson: What was the state of the hospital at the time of your departure?

Cathy Waters: There are now systems and processes in place so key decisions can be made. People know how to make those decisions and know where the systems and accountability now lie. Patients may not see that initially as a benefit, but we were making sure the foundation and systems were right.

I’m confident those in now in place. Clinical systems to ensure patient care are now there, and there are things such as a proper patient complaint system.

Equally we have introduced a zero tolerance policy to protect staff. We’ve noticed the number of verbal and violent attacks against staff has gone up. I don’t know why – but certainly over the last few months we’ve seen an increase in violence against staff. Now if you go into IGMH you’ll see posters and leaflets in Dhivehi and English.

JJ: One of your main innovations was the introduction of triage. Was this a hard concept to introduce?

CW: Maldivians tend to panic about things you or I would describe as fairly minor healthcare issues. If you were to cut your finger and it bled, you would probably hold a tissue on it, wrap something around it and deal with it yourself. Here, people panic at the slightest bit of blood.

A really good example of this was when we had some of the casualties coming in from the recent protests. A little bit of blood and people wanted to bypass the triage and go straight into the emergency room, when perhaps all they needed was to put a wad of padding over it and have it stitched up in time. There was no urgency about it, but people panic.

The most challenging part has been persuading people that they don’t need to be in the actual emergency room – that it’s acceptable to wait if it’s not something urgent. That has been so difficult to get across. But it is working, and was brought into place in November 2011. Now it’s been in place for a few months we know there are alternations we need to make it more effective.

JJ: You said earlier that you’ve had politicians ringing you up to bypass triage and go straight to emergency?

CW: Absolutely. I think they see it as their right to get access to treatment and the [in-patient] rooms really quickly, and I think in the past that’s why the triage system has failed, because people back down and say ‘OK, come straight to the emergency room.’

We’ve stuck to our principles and said we have to do this properly, because if we start letting politicians in or whoever just because they think they should be in, the whole purpose falls apart. very clear stick to principles.

JJ: Were you able to train triage staff to the point where they could resist that pressure?

CW: Yes, we had to do quite a lot of work, and there’s still a lot to do. We had instances when there were quite a few people waiting and instead of being triaged, they were just waiting for treatment. Then the doctors said let’s just cancel triage and let people into the emergency room. That defeats the whole purpose.

It’s about explaining to people. The most difficult area was when parents come in with children they believe are very sick, when actually it’s not urgent and they just need to see a doctor. But they panic, and that’s the area with the biggest problems. A lot of it is education and helping people realise that they don’t always need to come to hospital – that there are straightforward, basic things they can do.

JJ: How has the Aasandha scheme (universal healthcare) impacted IGMH?

CW: Now Ashanda has been opened to ADK and private health clinics, it’s created major problems for IGMH, because we still have loads of patients coming to IGMH, but we also know that those patients are also going to ADK and private clinics. The dilemma for us is that a lot of the private clinics are run by doctors who work in IGMH. That a fairly difficult area.

JJ: So the doctors end up working less at IGMH?

CW: They would probably argue this, but I would say the difficulty for us is commitment. The average Maldivian doctor will get a third of his income from IGMH, and two thirds from a private clinic. There is a huge incentive for them to do more and more private clinics.

For example, anecdotally a doctor in IGMH may see 6-20 patients in a clinic session. Apparently some of those doctors are seeing 70-75 patients in the same session at a private clinic.

It’s a big problem and the government needs to think about it. If you want doctors to be 100 percent committed to IGMH, you need to do something about increasing their salaries or minimising the amount of time they can do private work.

JJ: How sustainable do you think universal healthcare is in its current incarnation? Does there need to be a monetary barrier to entry?

CW: My view is that it was introduced far too quickly without thinking about what checks and balances needed to be in place. Some patients have already spent their Rf 100,000 (US$6500) entitlement. People see it as their right to spend Rf 100,000, and there wasn’t a public education campaign beforehand so people understand how to use it properly.

There are reports of people going from clinic to clinic and seeing more than one doctor in a day. If they’re not quite happy with what they got from one doctor, they’ll go to the next.

At IGMH the number of non-attendances for appointments has increased because people aren’t paying for it any longer. The patient doesn’t feel they are losing anything, although they are because they are using up their Rf 100,000. We have gaps in our clinics because patients have suddenly got an appointment at a private clinic quicker. And of course we have to work on our appointment system and how people access the hospital.

JJ: We have previously reported on tensions between local and foreign doctors over pay and allowances, such as accommodation. Were these resolved?

CW: It’s still an issue. The problem is that there are lots of inequities. Expat doctors get accommodation, Maldivian doctors don’t. But Maldivian doctors have the ability to do private work, which the expat doctors don’t, so there are some tensions.

Having said that, there are teams of doctors who work really well together. One of the things we have been doing is making sure the clinical heads of department meet once a fortnight, to try and make sure people are working together.

JJ: You have spoken about a contract IGMH had with the State Trading Organisation (STO) to supply medical equipment and consumables, at four times the going rate. What was behind this?

CW: The contract was initiated well before I started at IGMH. It was done for good reasons because there were huge problems with supplying medical equipment, but what we found was that we were paying hugely over the odds for goods we were receiving. Some of the issues with supply are still there, but generally speaking it has radically improved.

We had to do a lot of work on our side. Doctors had been stockpiling, so we have to educate them now that there is no need to stockpile, because it is increasing our expenditure.

It was also a major battle to understand our financial situation. When I first started people were spending money left, right and centre, and there was no financial control. Now we are are very clear about where we are – we don’t like where we are, because it’s not a very good financial position – but at least we know where we are. We are trying to enact a financial recovery plan, but we haven’t been able to go as far with it as we’d like.

JJ: What about the Indian promises to pump money into IGMH? Did you feel they were persistently interested in it?

CW: They came and pledged this money a considerable time ago. The project was supposed to start in April, but it slipped and slipped. It desperately needs to happen. The building is old and bursting at the seams, it is not able to cater to the needs of patients it has, and when it rains it leaks like a sieve. Things like the electric wiring are very old – it all needs to be redone.

JJ: You initially signed for another year, but mentioned concerns about job stability. How did things change at the hospital after the recent political turmoil? Should that be affecting a hospital?

CW: I don’t think it is – the Finance Ministry said, the same as the previous government, that we could not change salaries or appoint new people. So we have vacancies and we have to hold those [closed], with the exception of clinical staff. We argued that we needed to replace senior doctors if they leave. But we are carrying an excess of admin staff we desperately need to reduce. But the previous government stopped us doing that. To enable us to become a more effective organisation we need to do that.

JJ: What was it like working at the hospital, personally? Did you face challenges as a foreigner?

CW: Our chairman said it was not about me as a foreigner, it was about management. There was a general resistance to administration, which I detest. We have tried to bring together management and clinical staff, so we have a stronger team. What was happening before was that you would have different departments working in silos. Yes there’s been resistance – I came in with different ideas, trying to bring in a different style of working, empower staff to make decisions and come up with the solutions. They have the answers.

The language barrier was very frustrating. I was very vocal about not being politically driven, and saying what I thought. But at senior meetings in the Ministry of Finance they would always make a big thing about saying ‘Sorry, we are holding this meeting in Dhivehi’ – even though these were senior people with a good understanding of English.

At one particular meeting they spent most of the meeting slagging off IGMH. Fortunately I had taken another member of staff who was frantically writing things down. They would ask for a response but I couldn’t argue as I didn’t know what had been said. I found it really frustrating and I felt they used it sometimes.

JJ: You said you were keen for a Maldivian to take over after your departure? Is that capacity available locally?

CW: I think that given another six months we would have had a number of people ready to take it on. I had appointed a director of operations, who potentially could.

I made clear in my final comments to the new health ministers that they need to get the right person, and not necessarily make a political appointment, because it is such a key job driving change in the health system. Ultimately it’s their choice, though.

JJ: What do you feel like you’ve got out of the experience personally?

CW: I think I’ve become much more tolerant and patient, and politically aware – with a small and a large ‘P’. Diplomacy skills have been honed greatly. I also had my eyes opened about living in a small place where everyone knows everyone else. If someone was in the same classroom as the President, they think nothing about calling the President and telling him what they think of you.

It also really opened my eyes to the complete lack of confidentiality. People don’t think twice about leaking highly confidential information to whomever.

JJ: What are the top three areas the hospital needs to focus on right now?

CW: Firstly, getting to a stable financial footing, be that through the health insurance scheme, although it is not bringing in enough to allow IGMH to stand on its own two feet.

Secondly, the government needs to decide whether IGMH is a public or a private hospital. That’s a fairly difficult tension they need to resolve.

Third, let whoever is running IGMH run it, and have the confidence to run it, and stop all the political interference. That was the number one frustration – not being allowed to get on and do my job. We’d have a plan, then something completely unrelated would come in from the side and stop something I tried to enact. It was so difficult to keep people motivated when that happened.

There are some fantastic staff at IGMH. Liz the nursing director was also leaving, and we had an amazing leaving do, in traditional Maldivian dress. There are some really special people there.

If I can add a fourth priority: to continue to try and change the work ethic so people only take sick leave when they are genuinely sick.

Some of the senior team are very good, and have taken no sick leave – I haven’t had a day off sick the whole time I’ve been at IGMH. It never crossed my mind to take sick leave unless I was genuinely sick. But people just take loads of sick leave – they see it as their right.

I will miss it. It’s been a fascinating experience.

Biographical note: Cathy Waters arrived at IGMH in Feburary 2011, first as General Manager, and then CEO. In June/July 2011 she was asked to take on the role of Managing Director of the Male’ Health Services Corporation (MHSC). She has 32 years experience working in health care and health care systems, and has previously worked in the UK’s NHS as a CEO and as a Director of a small consultancy company specialising in organisational development and change management.

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Independent Commissions Committee to summon Police Commissioner, PIC, HRCM and PG

Parliament’s Independent Commissions Committee has decided to summon Police Commissioner Abdulla Riyaz for questioning over police brutality against anti-government protesters who took to the streets, calling for the resignation of new President Dr Waheed Hassan Manik on February 8.

The issue was submitted to the committee last Wednesday by Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) MP Ahmed Hamza.

Hamza told Minivan News that he submitted the issue to the committee because the Police Commissioner had said the police would not investigate the police brutality against anti-government protesters on February 7 and 8.

Hamza said Riyaz had told him that he had requested the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives (HRCM) investigate the case.

‘’I am interested to know why he has refused to investigate the case,’’ he said. ‘’HRCM and Police Integrity Commission (PIC) are also being summoned to ask about their investigations into police brutality that day.’’

Hamza said the committee furthermore decided to summon Prosecutor General Ahmed Muiz because some MPs were keen to ask him questions about the arrest of Criminal Court Chief Judge Abdulla Mohamed.

‘’The Chair of the committee will determine a date and time that they will be summoned,’’ he added.

He also said that lots of anti-government protesters and MPs were assaulted by police on February 7 and 8.

Independent Commissions Committee is chaired by independent MP Mohamed Nasheed.

MDP Deputy Leader and MP Alhan Fahmy has meanwhile submitted the case of the alleged coup d’état to the parliament’s National Security Committee for investigation and to determine the truth of the alleged events that took place on February 7.

Alhan said he was busy when Minivan News contacted him and did not respond.

He told Haveeru that the committee would investigate the circumstances of former President Nasheed’s resignation, and an allegation from Nasheed that Deputy Police Commissioner Atheef was held at knife point.

The National Security Committee has a majority of pro-government MPs and is chaired by Jumhoree Party (JP) Leader and MP ‘Burma’ Gasim Ibrahim, whom the MDP have alleged was one of the resort owners responsible for funding the coup.

Last month the Maldivian Democratic Party submitted the case of police brutality against their parliamentarians to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).

On February 8, thousands of anti-government supporters, led by former president Mohamed Nasheed, took to the streets demanding the resignation of the new President Dr Waheed Hassan alleging that his government was illegitimate.

Former President Nasheed, MDP Chairperson and MP ‘reeko’ Moosa Manik, MP Mariya Ali, MP Ahmed Shifaz and many other senior MDP figures were injured.

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Reports of theft increase 23 percent in first quarter of 2012

Cases of reported theft  have increased 23 percent in the first quarter of 2012 as compared to the first quarter of 2010, statistics from the Maldives Police Service (MPS) reveal.

While 2059 theft cases were reported in the first quarter of 2012, the figures for the same period in 2011 and 2010 stand at 1762 and 1597 respectively. Compared to 2011, 2012’s first quarter saw a 14 percent increase in reported theft.

Cases of reported assault remain the same, but cases of vandalism has increased 24 percent in the first quarter of 2012 compared to the same time period in 2010.

Court buildings and police stations were vandalized and set on fire throughout the Maldives on February 8 following former President Mohamed Nasheed claim that he was deposed in a coup d’état.

Police Spokesperson Sub-Inspector Hassan Haneef told Minivan News the increase in reported cases may be due to increased awareness of reporting procedures, and the failure to jail convicts.

“A lot of convicts who should be in jail are currently free,” Haneef said.

The Home Ministry in March claimed that only 621 of the country’s 1258 convicts sentenced to jail are currently serving their sentences.

A hundred convicts have been apprehended and sent back to jail since President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan took power in February, reports local media Haveeru.

Speaking to Haveeru, State Minister for Home Affairs Mohamed Fayaz said these 100 individuals include offenders released under former President Mohamed Nasheed’s Second Chance Programme set up to reintegrate former inmates into society.

“These people include those released under Second Chance programme and individuals who were sentenced in absentia,” Fayaz told Haveeru.

Current Home Minister Mohamed Jameel said the government intends to shut down the Second Chance Program, alleging that the former administration had used the program “to release unqualified criminals under political influence and without any clear procedure “.

Fayaz told Haveeru that the 100 individuals were sent to jail after being arrested for committing additional offenses. Furthermore, Second Chance inmates were only sent to jail because they had violated their terms of release under the programme, he said.

Fayaz and the Department of Penitentiary and Rehabilitation Services (DPRS) were not responding at time of press.

Police have stressed that it remains too early in its investigations to say if there was a link between an increase in reported incidents of crime and recent political turmoil in the Maldives.

Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) has continued to demonstrate for early elections. Hundreds have been arrested in protests since February.

Police have confirmed they are also looking into break-ins that occurred Saturday morning at offices belonging to Vice-President designate Waheed Deen and Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) Interim Chairperson ‘Reeko’ Moosa Manik. Both offices are based in the same building in the capital of Male’.

Politicians and public figures linked to both government-aligned parties and the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) have raised concerns that the break-in may have been politically motivated crimes. Police urged caution in drawing early conclusions.

Since the controversial transfer of power on February 7, two men have died in knife attacks. Abdulla Muheeth died on February 19 and Ahmed Shifan died on April 1.

The Maldives Police Services’ priorities for 2012 include curbing organized crime, drug use and street violence, and increasing road safety.

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Finance Committee seeks to reform Aasandha without charging public

The Health Ministry has suggested to Parliament’s Financial Committee that a co-payment be introduced to the Aasandha health care programme in order to mitigate the system’s spiralling costs.

Members of the committee were keen not to impose any fee on the public, however, and insisted that the focus of efforts should be on reducing costs and introducing controls that will reduce demand over time.

They were said to be open to the idea of charging a small fee for outpatient care. Aasandha Chairman Thorig Ali Luthufee told Miadhu recently that outpatient care had made up 65 percent of the costs incurred in the first three months.

In the same article, Luthufee noted that the programme did not have the standard controls required of such a scheme.

The cost of the system, introduced in January this year, has come under increasing criticism as the projected budget looks increasingly unrealistic. Ahmed Nazim, head of the Parliamentary Financial Committee recently described the system as a “hole in the government’s pocket”.

After yesterday’s meeting Nazim told Sun Online that the current Rf720 million (US$46million) budget for the scheme would run out by August or September.

The current costs of Rf3 million a day (US$200,000) would take the yearly cost to over Rf1billion (US$2.3 million).

The sustainability of the Aasandha scheme has become a particularly prominent issue as the government looks for ways to slash spending in order to reduce the budget deficit.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) told the People’s Majlis last week that urgent measures should be taken to reduce expenditure, warning against further borrowing or printing of money.

Finance Minister Abdulla Jihad yesterday informed local newspaper Haveeru that the budget was being sent to Parliament for revision after it became clear that the government’s income would fall Rf2billion (around $130million) short of its anticipated expenditure this year.

Jihad warned that the country must avoid resorting to selling treasury bonds due to the country’s unsustainable levels of debt.

Members of the formerly ruling Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) have criticised the current government’s financial policies. Former President Mohamed Nasheed argued that money has been wasted on police and military bonuses whilst the former Tourism Minister Mariyam Zulfa has argued that around $150 million has been lost after the government opted to change the way island lease extension payments were made.

Recent figures from the Maldives Inland Revenue Authority (MIRA) revealed that this lost revenue amounted to over Rf350million ($22million) in March alone.

Chairman of the National Social Protection Agency (NSPA) and State Minister of Home Affairs Thoriq Ali Luthfee had said previously in the local media that the Aasandha scheme “cannot continue to operate without interventions to control the demand.”

He alleged that the scheme was introduced “for political motives” without any proper planning.

Nazim echoed these concerns last week, telling Minivan News that the system had been “introduced in a rush” and had “gone horribly wrong.”

The Financial Committee is in the process of producing a report on Aasandha in an attempt to resolve these problems which Nazim reports as having resulted to “abuse on a massive scale”.

Regardless of opposition suspicions regarding the government’s long term intentions with the programme, however, Nazim has maintained his determination to continue the program on a more sustainable footing.

“Aashanda is here to stay”, said Nazim.

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“We are ready for any election”: Elections Commission

President of the Elections Commission (EC) Fuad Thawfeeq told Minivan News the commission is ready to hold any election mandated by law.

“We are confident we can organise any election mandated by law – whether it is a presidential election, referendum, or by-election. We will serve our duty,” Fuad said.

However, State Minister for Foreign Affairs Dunya Maumoon told the BBC on Saturday that the state’s independent institutions including the Elections Commission, Human Rights Commission (HRCM) and the judiciary were not strong enough for early elections to be held.

The ousted Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) has called for early elections after the party’s Mohamed Nasheed resigned on February 7 in an alleged “coup d’état.” The Commonwealth and EU have supported the call for early elections.

Unless the institutions are strengthened, elections cannot be held in the country in “the foreseeable future,” Dunya told the BBC.

The US government has pledged US$500,000 (Rf7.7 million) for an elections programme to assist Maldivian institutions in ensuring a free and fair presidential election. The assistance will be made available from July 2012.

“We will not step back in our duty”

Speaking to Minivan News, Fuad said President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan’s government had not consulted the EC on its capacity to hold early elections. However, the commission has met with foreign teams and assured them of its capacity, Fuad said.

“We told them we have already held three successful elections in the past: the country’s first multi-party election in 2008, parliamentary elections in 2009 and local council elections in 2011,” Fuad said.

“There were more than 1180 seats for the island councils, atoll councils and city councils. That was a very large and complicated election. It was very successful. So I don’t see how anyone can raise questions regarding the Election Commission’s capacity,” he added.

Fuad noted the police played an instrumental role in upholding law and order during elections: “We will need the Maldives Police Services’ help in maintaining law and order and upholding the peace. If other relevant institutions are ready, there will be no problems in holding elections. We will not step back in doing our duty. If the law mandates it, we will hold a very successful election.”

President Nasheed resigned on February 7 after elements of the police and military mutinied. The MDP has acknowledged high levels of “animosity” between its supporters and the police, and called on the police to show restrain during arrest and detention procedures.

Fuad also said upcoming parliamentary by-elections for the Kaashidhoo and Thimarafushi constituencies “may be a platform to see if conditions are right for early elections.” The elections are scheduled for April 14.

HRCM: minor role

Meanwhile, HRCM president Mariyam Azra said the commission only played a minor role in organising and conducting elections.

“We only conduct awareness programs on the citizen’s right to vote without any discrimination during elections. We have the capacity to conduct awareness programs,” Azra told Minivan News.

The HRCM also trained elections observers, but Azra noted there were no funds budgeted for training observers in the state budget for 2012.

Transparency Maldives has previously conducted election monitoring.

“Society must be disciplined”

President Dr Waheed’s Spokesperson Masood Imad told Minivan News that  law and order needs to be maintained before free and fair early elections can be held. Further, the MDP was violating law and order with its serial demonstrations, he said.

“Last night they demonstrated at the President’s house and said, “Kill the president, Kill the president”. We need guarantees from the MDP. We need to see society disciplined before free and fair elections,” Imad added.

The MDP has said it will step up its direct action program to press for early elections. The party’s supporters protested in front of Dr Waheed and Defense Minister Ahmed Nazim’s house on Saturday.

Dr Waheed’s administration also maintains that constitutional amendments would have to be made, and the Committee of National Inquiry (CNI) authorised to assess the legality of the controversial transfer of power would have to complete its inquiry before early elections could be held.

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Comment: Underground music scene leads growing youth movement

When I first wrote this article, I introduced my topic explaining that the new MDP government were in the tricky process of negotiating outside influences on the Maldivian population, whilst maintaining their own cultural heritage.

Now, when I come back to update my article I find that the disarray, brutality and suspicious circumstances with which the MDP has renounced its position leaves me lost for words. This short article cannot cover such a controversial and unexpected set of events.

Instead I want to reflect upon my experiences of the Maldives last summer: on my teaching placement with Salaam School, as well as my impressions of the youth movement in Male’, which at the time seemed to be blossoming -albeit in its infancy. I hope to bring to attention of the readers the importance of a creative outlet in the development of a young society, and the passion and virtue I witnessed in the growing Maldivian youth movement.

My experience of the Maldives comes from working under Salaam School; a charity funded ‘mobile’ school, which toured the islands of the Maldives offering pop-up classes in vocational training to unemployed young people. The courses were a great success, and sought to educate youth and strengthen communities.

Salaam School was founded in Male, the Maldives in 1999 by Maldivian local Aminath Arif; an inspirational woman who advocated equal rights to education, she was a mentor to the young generation of the Maldives. I had the honour of teaching a two month course in ‘Computer Administration and Book Keeping’ over the summer of 2011. Unfortunately, I arrived in Male’ too late to meet Aminath, and ultimately, the death of Aminath Arif was the death of Salaam School.

The loss is something which I believe is still felt across the Maldives. Aminath Arif died in a tragic accident on July 8, 2011, and without her management in Salaam School, its courses inevitably ran dry. Without her leadership, none have successfully taken control of the school with the integrity it requires.

In order to understand Salaam School and its intentions better, it helps to look a little at the history, and the trouble that Aminath found when launching the school. When I arrived to teach, Salaam School had been aimed at teaching ICT and the leisure industry, however, Aminath’s original vision for the school was a creative-based education, focusing on music, language and art as a means of tapping creative potential and encouraging freedom of expression. Aminath’s essay, ‘The Maldives Must Value the Arts Education’, written in 2010, can be found on Minivan News, and articulates her struggles when first opening the Salaam School. Aminath writes:

New Maldivian artists, new forms of art and new opportunities developed to a peak in the early 90s and slowly started receding because as the Maldives entered the era of the nineties, political control on whatever brought people together was held in check.”

Then returned the Islamic-educated ‘scholars’, adamant to put a stop to all forms of performing arts and visual images.

Both the intentions, one for political purpose and the other to spread the new messages of Islam, coincided perfectly, brutally fragmenting and replacing the hopes of the Maldivians with confusion, fear and disconnection within themselves, within families and within communities.

In order to contest the growing control over artistic expression and community collaboration, Aminath attempted to set up Salaam School. Unfortunately, Salaam school was never able to reach the goal of becoming a fully fledged arts school, and had to change its primary focus in order to get funding. Now, fast-forwarding to today, the course I taught on the small island of Thimarafushi was the last of its kind. It was a hollow victory to conduct my final exams and leave the small island to return to the capital of Male’, knowing that Aminath was no longer campaigning for the intellectual and creative liberation of the youth of the Maldives.

The fight for liberation is now bestowed upon the new generation. In Male’, the underground music scene is bubbling away under the surface of the city. Live music is an outlet for countless young men and women, who attend secret gigs in various locations across the capital. Heavy metal is one of the newest genres to take off; its loyal fan base spreads the news of upcoming gigs to peers by word of mouth. Recording studios, too, are hidden in garages and outhouses around Male’. Small music shops are popping up on the streets, boasting a whole range of Maldivian and Western instruments.

As well as music, the surfing culture has been growing rapidly. Surfers Against Sewage are cleaning up the beaches, and post hand-made signs along the coast campaigning against litter. Many DJs are hoping to combine surfing and music by holding surfer’s parties, where young people go to socialise and collaborate. Music, as Aminath rightly pointed out, unifies all of these young people and offers solidarity in a climate which seeks to isolate.

Unsurprisingly, the police crack down on any live music or DJs, and they quickly cut off any live music or parties. However, the police’s intolerance to music does not deter the next generation. They are on a path towards a conscientious future: the values underpinning the youth movement are an inspirational mix of heritage, community and environment. Over the next few years, the youth movement will be gathering momentum, and hopefully the authorities will not be able to catch up with them.

I hope to demonstrate that the Maldives would benefit from more charities, like Salaam School, which seek to facilitate a creative outlet for the next generation in the Maldives. The creativity which is burning inside of every young person needs to be praised and encouraged. Without a doubt, the next generation in the Maldives are environmentally and politically engaged. Their efforts to clean up the shores, campaign for democracy and collaborate with their peers demands attention, approbation and encouragement.

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Police play down political motivation for burglaries, dhoni fire

Politicians and public figures linked to both government-aligned parties and the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) have raised concerns about a spate of potentially politically motivated crimes, though police urge caution in drawing early conclusions.

Early this morning, the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF) confirmed that its fire team put out a blaze that badly damaged a dhoni based in the waters around Hulhumale’. The vessel has since been confirmed to belong to high-profile Jumhooee Party (JP) member Mohamed ‘Inthi’ Imthiyaz, who recently left the MDP.

Both the MNDF and the Maldives Police Service confirmed to Minivan News that they were currently investigating the cause of the blaze, stressing it was too early to tell if the incident was being treated as arson or an accident.

The fire, which saw a man hospitalised with severe burns, is the third incident involving prominent political figures to be investigated by police during the last three days.

Police have confirmed they are also looking into break-ins that occurred Saturday morning at offices belonging to Vice-President designate Waheed Deen and Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) Interim Chairperson ‘Reeko’ Moosa Manik. Both offices are based in the same building in the capital of Male’.

Police Spokesperson Sub-Inspector Hassan Haneef said that forensic analysis of both these crime scenes and the dhoni fire were under way, but said that it was not yet possible to ascertain if there was any link between the incidents. Sub-Inspector Haneef added that findings from the cases would be cross referenced, but he did not wish to speculate if a common motivation existed between the incidents before ongoing investigations were concluded.

Dhoni fire

Addressing the dhoni fire today, vessel owner Mohamed Imthiyaz said that he was also unsure if his boat was destroyed intentionally or by an accidental fire.

However, Imthiyaz claimed that the blaze occurred after he had received threatening messages from alleged MDP supporters after making a public speech two days ago criticising the party. Imthiyaz was himself previously a member of the MDP before joining the JP, which is part of the coalition government of President Mohamed Waheed Hassan.

“I have received [SMS] threats from people I know are MDP supporters and I have passed on their numbers to police,” he added.

Imthiyaz said he believed that public figures needed to be “careful” about their security in the current political climate, particularly considering the potential involvement of organised crime in attacks and vandalism.

Heavy Load

A spokesperson for MDP MP Reeko Moosa Manik’s Heavy Load company was in no doubt that the enterprise had itself been the target of a political attack over the weekend.

The company’s headquarters, based in Male’s Jazeera building, was broken into early Saturday morning along with the offices of the Six Senses resort group and Vice President Deen’s Bandos Island Resort – all situated at the same address.

“[The break in] was definitely politically motivated. The intruders broke in to damage and vandalise equipment like computers that could have been taken for profit. They also wrote threats all over the walls of the office,” the Heavy Duty spokesperson said.

Following the break in at Heavy Load, local media reported yesterday that several messages were left for Moosa Manik across the office. These messages reportedly read, “Moosa, you may have escaped this time but you will be killed,” and “We will vote for you next time if you put some cash next time”.

Attacks

A number of attacks and cases of vandalism against political figures has been making headlines recently.

Late last month, three former ministers who served in the government of former President Mohamed Nasheed were reportedly attacked along with their wives on the street’s of Male’, leading to condemnation of the crime by President Mohamed Waheed Hassan.

The president has also criticised MDP supporters on his Twitter account following reports of attacks on police officers and the car of Chief Justice Ahmed Faiz Hassan’s during the same month.

“Violence by Nasheed’s supporters keeps increasing,” the president wrote at the time.

The MDP itself moved to issue a statement following these incidents condemning attacks on police officers and calling for supporters to mantain peaceful protests against the government it alleges has come to power in a “coup d’etat” In February.

The offices of broadcaster Villa TV (VTV) were also heavily damaged in March during clashes between anti-government protesters and security forces .

VTV is owned by MP ‘Burma’ Gasim Ibrahim, the leader of the Jumhoory Party (JP) – part of Dr Waheed’s government coalition.

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Stalemated all-party talks “ridiculous, a farce”, says Afeef

Progress continued to elude the participants in the All-Party Roadmap talks yesterday as the latest meeting ended in stalemate.

After repeated false starts since the first meeting on February 20, the talks stuttered after Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) representatives continued to question the make-up of the group engaged in the discussions, as well as the sincerity of the government’s statements over early elections.

One of the MDP’s representatives at yesterday’s meeting, former Home Minister Hassan Afeef, expressed doubts about the potential success of the roadmap talks.

“They are not interested in talking about political settlements, they are talking nonsense,” said Afeef.

“I don’t believe Mujuthaba [mediator of the talks] chose the parties [who were involved]… the old dictatorship chose it. I asked him how he had chosen the parties and he said he had chosen those who had been protesting against the MDP. It’s ridiculous, a farce,” continued Afeef.

The similarity of these statements with those following the first round of talks belies the lack of forward movement in the discussions.

An MDP statement after the first meeting explained the decision to boycott “when it became clear that the talks were to include political parties with no democratic mandate, and that they would focus on procedural issues such as the timing and venue for future talks – a clear effort to delay substantive discussions.”

The Progressive Party of the Maldives (PPM) of former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, which has been involved in the talks, does not have official representation in the parliament or on an elected council.

Under parliamentary regulations, MPs who joined Gayoom’s PPM from the Dhivehi Rayithunge Party (DRP) technically count as independent MPs until elected on a PPM ticket in the next parliamentary election.

Also representing the MDP at the meeting was the party’s interim chairperson Reeko Moosa Manik, who told Minivan News that “no concrete talking” took place at yesterday evening’s event. He also questioned the assembly and the motivations of the group.

Changing tack slightly, the MDP have now suggested that the talks should include all registered parties in the country, given the involvement of parties with no democratic mandate already participating.

“I have told Mujuthaba, ‘if all-party talks means all-party talks, then okay… if not, what are we doing?’” said Moosa.

PPM representative at the talks, Ilham Ahmed, told local paper Haveeru that the MDP had given no previous indication that they would be calling for greater inclusivity in the discussions. Ilham said that the proposal should be discussed as the MDP’s approach was “confusing”.

A press release from Mujuthaba’s office today stated that the main aim of yesterday’s talks remained the order the agenda. Mujuthaba told Haverru that no decisions had been made on the MDP’s new proposal.

The agenda was tentatively agreed upon at the second meeting at the end of February. The list included constitutional amendments, dates for early elections, and the potential changes needed for independent institutions. The order with which the agenda should be addressed was supposed to follow shortly after this.

The press release also said that all parties involved in the talks would meet with the United Nation’s observer at the talks. Mujuthaba is scheduled to be out of the country until April 24, prompting the convening of yesterday’s meeting.

The MDP’s blocking of President Waheed’s address to the People’s Majlis on March 1, however, saw the withdrawal from the talks of the DRP, PPM, Adhaalath Party and the Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP). The MDP contends that its disruption of the sitting was justified as Dr Waheed’s presidency was illegitimate, given police and military mutiny that led to Nasheed’s resignation.

Moosa also questioned the agenda of the talks, suggesting that the aim of the group was to legitimise the government rather than push for early elections.

Regarding the continued participation of the MDP in the talks, Afeef said that he personally did not think progress could be made, but said he would be prepared to represent his party in further talks if asked.

Moosa stated: “We are ready to talk about early elections, for that we are ready to talk.”

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MDP holds series of protests as Dr Waheed’s government marks two months in power

The Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) held two protests on Saturday, continuing the party’s call for early elections and the resignation of President Mohamed Waheed Hassan.

Both protests began from ‘Usfasgandu’ behind Dharubaaruge, the party’s new protest hub following the government’s recent closure of the MDP’s permanent protest site near the tsunami  monument.

The first protest started at 5:30pm from Usfasgandu, and concluded at Sultan Park near the Islamic Centre at 6:30pm.

Former Education Minister Shifa Mohamed, former Home Minister Hassan Afeef and former National Security Advisor Ameen Faisal were seen in the frontline of the protests.

The protest was peaceful and there were no reports of police confrontations or arrests. However, angry protesters had some verbal arguments with the police.

The second protest started at around 10:00pm from Usfasgandu. The protesters marched their way from Sosun Magu, passing the parliament and towards President Waheed’s residence, Hilaaleege.

The protesters made their way in front of Dr Waheed’s residence at around 11:00pm.

Surprisingly, only a handful of Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) officials were on guard at the time when protesters arrived.

Some of the protesters sat down in front of the presidential residence, and continued their call for resignation of President Waheed and his government, and called for early elections.

Spokesperson for Dr Waheed, Masood Imad, said the protesters called for President Waheed’s death, and accused the party of “inciting fear”.

MNDF officials later dispersed the crowds from the premises and closed routes leading towards Dr Waheed’s residence.

The protesters peacefully retreated several blocks and there were no reported confrontations.

After the MNDF had blocked all the routes to Dr Waheed’s residence, protesters headed towards current Defence Minister Mohamed Nazim’s residence.

The protesters gathered outside the minister’s residence and reiterated their calls for the “coup government” to step down and hold elections, and then headed towards artificial beach along Majeedee Magu.

During the protests, a recording of former president Mohamed Nasheed stating that MDP “would not sink” was played continuously, with crowds roaring in support every time the recording was played.

MDP’s women’s activist Aishath Aniya led the protests while former Ministers, Shifa Mohamed and Dr Musthafa Luthfy, and MDP MP Rugiyya Mohamed, were seen in the frontline of the protest.

The protests concluded back at Usfasgandu, and MP Rugiyya handed the MDP flag to its flagman at Usfasgandu.

Shifa addressed the crowds at Usfasgandu and said that the government needed to hear the people’s voice, and the call for early elections.

“Today marks two months after the democratically elected president was brought down by a coup. We will not stop until democracy is restored,” she said.

MP Rugiyya and Dr Luthfy also spoke to the protesters at Usfasgandu, and thanked them for their determination.

The protests ended with a prayer from Mohamed Hafiz, the head of MDP religious affairs council.

A police media official confirmed that there were no confrontations or arrests during the protests. The MDP is to hold another protest tonight.

The MDP has been holding series of demonstrations after the transfer of power that took place on February 7, claiming that the government was brought down illegally in a coup d’état led by rogue police and military personnel, and funded by several local resort owners with political interests.

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