Tag: maldives

Gayoom urges authorities to expedite justice in ‘politically motivated’ Afrasheem murder

Former President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom has this week said there could be no doubt that the murder of Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) MP Dr Afrasheem Ali was a politically motivated attack, while calling for justice to be expedited against his alleged attackers.

No individual has yet been convicted of the killing of Afrasheem, who was found dead on the staircase of his home in Male’ on October 1, 2012.

A total of seven individuals are potentially facing charges in connection to the MP’s murder, with the trial of key suspect Hussein Humam currently ongoing at the Criminal Court.

Humam had initially denied charges against him in court.

He later confessed to the crime at a hearing held in May, according to a statement read out by prosecutors in the court. State prosecutors read out the statement, which was said to have been given by Humam at one of the initial hearings. The suspect retracted his confession a month later, claiming that he had been coerced by police at the time.

Humam’s father has also written to the Criminal Court and the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives accusing police of conducting psychological abuse against the suspect, and exerting coercion to make him confess to a crime he did not commit.

One year later

Speaking Wednesday (October 2) at a rally to mark a year since Dr Afrasheem’s death, Gayoom was quoted in local newspaper Haveeru as saying that society remained in a state of fear as a result of the MP’s “politically motivated” killing.

“This was a clear message to our nation. It means that anyone who dares to speak up will suffer the same fate,” said the country’s one-time autocratic ruler, who was in power for 30 years until the Maldives’ first multi-party democratic elections in 2008.

Police have meanwhile confirmed this week that cases had been filed with the Prosecutor General’s Office (PGO) against Azleef Rauf, Shaahin Mohamed, Adam Salaah and Abdulla ‘Jaa’ Javid – son-in-law of opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) Chair ‘Reeko’ Moosa Manik in connection to the murder.

Despite not a single trial related to the murder having yet been concluded, PPM MP Ahmed Nihan confirmed that former President Gayoom had claimed there was a political motive to Afrasheem’s attack.

However, Nihan said Gayoom had not identified any one party or culprit in particular for the crime.

“[Gayoom] said the murder of Afrasheem was connected to politics and that such attacks should be eliminated and solved or they will begin to be copied by the public,” he said.

Nihan said that like Gayoom, he believed that since police had begun their investigations into the attack, they had uncovered enough evidence to suggest the murder had been carried out for political reasons.

He claimed that the PPM had purposefully avoided “finger pointing” of any particular party, but criticised politicians within the opposition MDP for making statements in an attempt to undermine the credibility of the police investigation into the case.

Nihan said that the country’s MPs had a responsibility to minimise doubt among the public concerning the conduct of the Maldives Police Service (MPS) in investigating the murder, adding it was important society have faith in law enforcement officials to solve the case.

Police investigation

The Maldives Police Services (MPS) announced in October 2012 that the FBI were extending assistance in the investigation of the MPs murder.

By December, Commissioner of Police Abdulla Riyaz stated during a press conference that the murder of Afrasheem had been carried out with a political motive, and that the culprits were to be paid MVR 4 million (US$ 260,000).

Riyaz had at the time dismissed claims that the murder was linked to religious fundamentalists, stating “no evidence has been gathered which suggests this murder had a religious motive.”

Soon after the murder police arrested two MDP activists – Mariyam Naifa and Ali Hashim ‘Smith’ – in connection with the attack. Both suspects were later released without charge.

The MDP later accused the government of attempting to frame the party with “politically-motivated arrests” of its members. In November 2012, former President Mohamed Nasheed accused the government of negligence in its efforts to bring the perpetrators to justice.

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Comment: Speaking of sovereignty – US interest in the Maldives

This article first appeared on Dhivehi Sitee. Republished with permission.

It is misguided to focus the current Maldivian sovereignty debate on possible military intervention by a foreign power. The Maldives is a long way away from the kind of humanitarian disaster that today qualifies for foreign military intervention and such talk serves no other purpose than provide politically inflammatory rhetoric to be used in the current political crisis. If we are to discuss threats to sovereignty, it would be more fruitful to talk about the role that non-military foreign relations play in shaping Maldivian domestic affairs.

For the better part of the twentieth century, Maldives held little interest for global, and even regional, powers. This status-quo of Maldives as inconsequential in international affairs changed shortly after the beginning of this century, not from its own doing, but due to two major changes in global politics: the dramatic change of world order in which several developing states—among them India and China—have risen to challenge the United States’ post-Cold War only-superpower status; and the United States-led global War on Terror.

Both matters made the Maldives, for the first time in its history, a country of interest to the United States, signalling an end to the days in which it could remain sheltered from the threat of becoming a pawn in global power games.

The rise of China: United States, India and the Maldives

China will overtake the United States as the world’s largest economy in 2016, according to a recent report by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). India, too, is no longer just the strongest regional power, but is rapidly becoming a global force to be reckoned with.

US relations with India has been dictated by its own interests almost from the time of India’s independence. Throughout the Cold War, when India doggedly stuck to its non-aligned stance, US foreign policy vacillated wildly between favouring India and favouring Pakistan as best suited its fight with Soviet Russia. Once George W Bush’s declared the War on Terror and invaded Afghanistan, Pakistan once again became a premier ally, while India was made to take a backseat until US relations with Pakistan soured once again, and George W Bush signed a nuclear treaty with India in 2005. Today, as India’s foreign policy has gone from one of determined non-alignment to the formation of a strategic alliance with the US, America has begun to view India as ‘a swing state’ in Asia’s balance of power.

Control of the Indian Ocean, which connects West Asia, Africa and East Asia with Europe and the Americas is important to not just India and the US but also for China as it  rises to global preeminence. Maldives is strategically located 450 miles off the south-western tip of India, making it of significant strategic interest to all those fighting to maintain a dominant presence in the region.

Recent analyses predict that China will become the world’s largest importer of oil by 2017, and 80 percent of this oil is transported through the Indian Ocean (Kumar 2012). Given the long-existing US dominance in the Indian Ocean, China—not surprisingly—is keen to ensure that its vital energy routes remain open and have strengthened its military presence in the region. This is where China’s interest in the Maldives lies.

Countering China is thus one of the main reasons for United States increased interest in the Maldives and its expressed desire for a military presence in the country, even if it is not the boots on the ground as outlined in the draft SOFA as discussed here. The United States may have denied the draft SOFA and a possible military base, but it did not deny that negotiations for some sort of an arrangement — whether a lily pad or whatever other name it is called — is underway.

The geo-strategic alliance between the US and India helps both countries counter China’s expanding ambitions. The US has long been the dominant player in the Indian Ocean and will fight to maintain this at whatever cost. It will be US’ strongest card to play in stalling the unbridled rise of China if and when it needs to do so. Thus the increased maritime activity in the Indian Ocean region in general and, more specifically, the so-called Asia Pivotin US foreign policy.

With US as a strategic ally, China is less likely to confront India over the many disputes that exist between the two countries such as those over the borders of Kashmir and Arunachal Pradesh and the continuing Chinese financial and military assistance to arch enemy Pakistan.The importance of India’s new alliance with the US is apparent from the fact that since 2005 India, which from 1995-2005 opposed the US in the UN in 80 percent of all its votes, has voted with them on sanctions against Iran, opposition to a Small Arms and Light Weapons Treaty and on the Kyoto Protocol (Chenoy & Chenoy :2007).

It should come as no surprise then that India and the US supported each other in the rapid recognition of Waheed’s presidency of the Maldives as legitimate.

The War on Terror: United States and the Maldives

When the US launched its global War on Terror, it force-created another bi-polar world: those with the United States and those against it. The Maldives, led by President Gayoom, was firmly ‘with the US,’ despite the War’s decidedly anti-Islamic overtones. This status of the Maldives—as an Islamic state willing to co-operate with the US in the War on Terror is how the Maldives first appeared in the American consciousness. Unfortunately for the Maldives, this is still her primary (and often only) identity as far as the United States is concerned. Unlike India, and even Britain, the US has no experience or knowledge of Maldivian culture and its long relationship with Islam that is so vastly different from the radical Islam that dominates its society identity today. Nor did it, until very recently, have any tourism or travel related interests in the Maldives, unlike other Western states.

If the United States was honestly interested in tackling the rapid radicalisation of the Maldivian society instead of its own counter-terrorism efforts in the region, it would have taken steps to understand the root causes and nature of extremism in the Maldives. Very little is known about how and why Maldivians have succumbed so easily to radical Islamist ideology. Neither is it known whether the people who outwardly show signs of radicalisation—change of religious practices, clothing, general behaviour— in fact have anything to do with the adoption of an ideology. Serious intent of curbing radicalistion would involve attempts to understand it, followed by a counter-radicalisation strategy custom-designed to solve the problems so identified.

The United States has a vast budget and plan for counter-radicalisation efforts that go beyond its borders, but it has not initiated or supported any research in the radicalised Maldivian community. Instead, it sends dubious US ‘terrorism experts’ to teach Maldivians about tackling radicalisation, according to what the Americans know and has defined radicalisation to be. Rather than tap into the vast potential for building a knowledge base on how an entire population can embrace radical Islamist ideologies after remaining far removed from them for centuries, the US tells Maldivians what their society is about, and implement actions governed not by what is at stake for Maldivians, but by a generic idea of what the US perceives should be done in a ‘rapidly radicalising Islamist society’.

This lack of knowledge and cultural disinterest has meant US foreign policy towards the Maldives is entirely governed by its own realist interests, which has had a largely negative impact on Maldivian attempts to consolidate democracy. These detrimental effects have been created by, and are manifest in, several characteristics of US engagement with the Maldives.

American view of the Maldives as a backward Islamic state which is a breeding ground for Islamist radicals and Jihadhis was made obvious, for instance, by its push to have the PISCES border control system installed in the Maldives. The PISCES, as explained here, is not a border control system but a system designed and installed in various countries designated by the United States as ‘terrorist hotbeds’.

That the Maldives would willingly participate in the invasion of privacy of its own people and millions of visitors without consultation or debate is bad enough; what is even worse is that the system has been installed ‘for free’, at the cost of Maldives’ authority and ability to control its own borders.

Attempts to implement the PISCES in the Maldives met with intense opposition from almost all senior local immigration officials. Their objections do not stem from corruption and bias towards Nexbiz [the Malaysian company originally contracted with designing and implementing a sophisticated border control system for the Maldives] as was widely portrayed in the media, but from what the PISCES does not do.

The system is so basic that Immigration officials who attended the training programme had a module on ‘how to use a keyboard.’ Anyone familiar with Maldivian culture would know the Maldives is also one of the most Internet and technology savvy countries in the region. Computer literacy among the youth must be close to a 100 percent, not to mention the complete saturation of the Maldivian market with smart phones and all other modern technological gadgets. For Maldivian immigration officials, used to operating the most advanced immigration control system in the region for years, the ‘Computers for Dummies’ class was an affront.

If only things stopped at imperial condescension.

The PISCES is unable to do even the most basic of border control work—it cannot, for instance, keep track of the number of tourists coming to the Maldives. There is no Drop-Down Menu to automatically select which resort a tourist is staying in. There is no way to automatically feed and calculate the number of days a tourist will be staying in the country by inputting dates. Now it is essential for immigration officials to keep pen and paper as well as a calculator beside them when manning the Immigration counters at various ports across the country. In addition, immigration officers need to have two other systems running simultaneously to the PISCES if they are to check visas and monitor the arrival and departure of expatriates for PISCES can do neither. Not only is this causing great frustration among officials highly trained in maintaining a sophisticated border control system, it is also leading to negligence of some of their most important responsibilities.

The most important thing for us is to compare the person standing at the counter and the passport that s/he presents to the official. Is it the right person? We can’t do that now because we are so busy punching the buttons on our calculators or manually typing in the person’s address in the Maldives. Of course, mistakes are being made (A senior immigration official, September 2013).

To circumvent  immigration officials’ resistance to PISCES, the Minister of Defence Mohamed Nazim—with whom the United States has been negotiating to have the PISCES installed in the Maldives—handed over their work to staff at the National Centre for Information Technology (NCIT). When Immigration officials resisted this handover, their senior IT personnel were summoned to the Defence Ministry, sat down with large numbers of uniformed military personal in a highly intimidating atmosphere, and told to agree to the new arrangement, or else.

One of the main problems that modern Maldives has to confront, flagged by the United States itself, is the issue of human trafficking. Tens of thousands of Bangladeshi labourers are in the Maldives illegally. They are heavily exploited by ‘employers’  who make them work for little or no money, and regularly treat them inhumanely. The PISCES does not have the capacity to trace the movement of any foreigner in the Maldives—be they expatriate workers or tourists. The Nexbis system included the introduction of an ID card with a 3-D Bar Code that, even a photocopy kept by an expatriate, would allow immigration officials to trace their whereabouts, greatly reducing the opportunities for them remaining in the Maldives illegally and/or their exploitation by those running the slave labour trade in the country.

With PISCES, nobody knows where anyone is—it just counts the number of Mohameds and Ahmeds and other passengers with Muslim names [terrorists by default] who enter and leave from the geo-strategically important Maldives so that US’ Terrorist Database is kept up to date. There is huge corruption involved in the ousting of Nexbis and the Maldives’ agreement to accept the PISCES as our ‘border control system’, but that is for another day’s discussion. The relevant point here is that the US—which, by the way, does not consider PISCES to be a good enough system for monitoring its own borders—is quite happy for the Maldives to totally lose control over its own borders and become wholly inept at handling the human trafficking crisis that it confronts. What matters to the US is having an additional weapon in its ‘crusade’ against radical Islamists.

What governs US foreign policy in the Maldives?

Discussed above are two examples of how US has ridden roughshod over Maldivian domestic affairs and interests since it noticed the Maldives as important to its power play in the region. Common to both matters is the imperialist neo-colonial attitude with which the US conducts its business with the Maldives. These interests, and this attitude, very much contributed to the role that the United States has played in bringing the Maldivian democracy to its current crisis.

The US was the second, after India, to rapidly recognise the incidents of 7 February 2012 as a ‘legitimate transfer of power.’ Just as the United States designated the Maldives as a backward Islamic terrorist state without knowledge of the characteristics and nature of its radicalisation issues, it began meddling in the Maldivian democracy without a clue about Maldivian culture and traditions. Instead of attempting to find out, it brought into play its own preconceived notions of what a democracy, and what a leader of a democracy, should be.

Mohamed Nasheed, according to a view widely propagated by US Embassy officials, and almost as widely accepted among the diplomatic community, is that he is ‘not a statesman’. Waheed, on the other hand, educated in Stanford, San Francisco, and by all likelihoods the holder of a US green card and the father of children who are US citizens, is the embodiment of what counts as a statesman for the US. It does not matter that it is precisely the non-statesman like behaviour of Nasheed that has appealed to a majority of the Maldivian population. It is Nasheed’s willingness to get out of a suit more than his eagerness to get into one, his ordinary language, his fluency with Dhivehi vernacular and history, and his ease with people of every age that inspires people of all ages to unite behind him for democratic reform in the Maldives. For thirty years Maldivians had a leader who fit the international community’s idea of a statesman—he did nothing to empower the people. Why should they want another ‘statesman’?

But, US embassy officials—who swan into the country on a brief visit from their ‘Virtual Presence Post’ in Colombo, usually stay in the swanky five-star Traders Hotel where a room costs over US$300 a night [the monthly salary of an average Maldivian worker] for one or two working days, then speed off to a resort island for the weekend to sip cocktails and unwind before returning to their lives in Colombo—are adamant that what the Maldivian democracy really deserves is a ‘statesman’. They have no idea what a majority of Maldivians think of Nasheed. None of them stay long enough to watch the rallies, the street demonstrations, the Door to Door campaigns, and the hard graft of the grassroots based community efforts that have enabled Nasheed to wake a majority of Maldivians to dream of democracy.

So US ‘virtual’ staff in the Maldives quickly moved to have Dr Waheed [now widely known as Doctor Five Percent after gaining only that much of the vote in the elections held on 7 September] installed as the legitimate president. Ironically, US attitude towards Nasheed—enthusiastically endorsed by the current Obama government—is one that most closely resembles the Republican Tea Party attitude towards Obama with the mad Birthers and whatnot. It is totally ridiculous and out of touch with how a majority of domestic and international populations think of the leader in question.

Just as influential in shaping US policy towards the Maldives as its Orientalist condescension are the realist national security interests of the US discussed above. The US did not just stop at saddling the Maldives with an incompetent statesman, it capitalised hugely on Waheed’s presence to push its interests in the Maldives as rapidly as possible. Negotiations regarding the PISCES were initiated by Waheed who became the chief procuring agent of the PISCES system, having opened discussions about Maldivian border control problems with the US during a visit to New York in 2009.

Once Waheed ‘rose to the presidency’, he appointed the dishonourably discharged former army general [Baaghee] Nazim as the primary go-between the US and the Maldivian government. Despite Nazim’s very public role in the forcible removal of Nasheed from presidency, he was quickly adopted as a darling of the US diplomatic community.[Dubious generals, it seems, are quick to win favour with Washington.]  Nazim is the main mover and shaker not just in having the PISCES implemented but also in securing a SOFA with the Maldives for the United States. Until the current political crisis, Nazim’s main preoccupation since early this year was to put pressure on all immigration staff to have the entire PISCES system up and running everywhere in the Maldives by a specific date—October 20th—for unspecified reasons.

It is not just the PISCES or the SOFA that have been pushed on the Maldives since the US, with its strategic ally India, helped Waheed the statesman and Nazim the General into top positions in government. US state department officials have since been given access to certain areas of the Maldives to conduct an ‘economic and social survey’, a US company—Blackstone—has bought out the entire seaplane industry of the Maldives, and it is also to a US company that the MNDF training island of Thanburudhoo, complete with a popular national surfing spot, has been sold. It is makes one neither an alarmist nor a conspiracy theorist to suspect there is a lot more we do not know about.

Since authoritarians began conspiring to disenfrachise Maldivians by cancelling the second ever democratic presidential election in the Maldives, most of the international community seems to have moved away from, if not officially revised, their assessment of the 7 February 2012 events as ‘a legitimate transfer of power’. Where a majority of the international community reacted with concern over the indefinitely postponed election, the United States’ first response was this statement.

We note the Maldivian Supreme Court’s ruling to delay the second round of presidential elections, scheduled for September 28, as Justices continue to hear arguments. While this judicial process moves forward, we encourage all political parties to work together peacefully and ensure that the democratic process can continue in a way that respects the rule of law and that represents the will of the people.

To describe the current farce in the Maldivian Supreme Court as ‘the judicial process’ and the ridiculous claims of opposition parties challenging the election results as ‘the democratic process’ is to know nothing—and/or to care nothing—about the current state of the Maldives and its fight for democracy. Despite a flurry of statements expressing concern over the Supreme Court behaviour from various other members of the international community, the second US statement was not much better than the first.

It is states like the US, and their realist national security interests that threaten Maldivian sovereignty today more than direct foreign military intervention. It is such interference that in the long run takes away from the power of the Maldivian people to have an independent country led by a leader of their choice in a government of their own. We are better off preparing for resisting such invasions of our identity and ‘sovereignty’ by foreign powers than inviting or contemplating the repercussions of armed military intervention. When ‘soft power’ is packed with so many dangerous explosives, who needs guns or boots on the ground?

Dr Azra Naseem has a PhD in International Relations

All comment pieces are the sole view of the author and do not reflect the editorial policy of Minivan News. If you would like to write an opinion piece, please send proposals to [email protected]

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Week in review: September 27- October 4

This week began with the Elections Commission meeting to decide if it was to go ahead with the scheduled run-off on Saturday (September 28). After police demonstrated their intention to stop the vote by force, the EC declared that it could not hold polls under such circumstances.

The decision to delay, however, did not prevent the EC’s members receiving multiple death threats, prompting requests for police assistance.

Whilst EC advisor Judge Johann Kriegler held a public lecture regarding the importance of collective belief in a successful election, legal experts in the country explained to Minivan News that the Supreme Court’s rulings had left the country in a legal void.

The Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) began what they hoped would be a pre-election rally from the south side of Male’, which turned into a stand-off with police in the streets surrounding the Supreme Court. Following news of the delay, Mohamed Nasheed’s supporters have demonstrated in the same area for seven consecutive nights.

After some reflection, the MDP’s leadership announced its determination to establish a “people’s government” should a new president not be sworn in by the end of incumbent Dr Mohamed Waheed’s term on November 11.

Waheed, after calling for national calm whilst the Supreme Court deliberates, hosted his former boss Nasheed at Muleeage – the pair’s first meeting since the February 2012 transfer of power.

The remainder of Waheed’s address to the nation was largely concerned with warning the state’s warring institutions about foreign actors who may take advantage of such disharmony. His fears were no doubt stoked by the remarks made on social media by former Foreign Minister Dr Ahmed Shaheed, who had suggested that resolution of the Maldives’ current crisis may require some form of foreign assistance.

Whilst Waheed stayed away from the UN General Assembly this week, Acting Foreign Minister Dr Mariyam Shakeela was in attendance, warning the group’s members against attempts to interfere in “the emergence of an indigenous democratic system of governance in the Maldives”. Shakeela’s comments came just days after the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG) expressed concern at recent developments during its biannual meeting.

Unrest within the security forces became apparent this week, as a number of leaked letters from current and former military personnel revealed concerns over the potential politicisation of the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF). Authorities have responded with stricter internal regulations and a number of suspensions, as well as blasting media outlets for reporting the leaked letters.

The Maldives Media Council announced its intention to file a no-confidence motion in parliament against the country’s broadcast regulator, as well as accusing the EC of favouring certain outlets.

The Indian High Commission this week revealed its own lack of confidence in multiple Maldivian state institutions, whom it accused of being complicit in the mistreatment of hundreds of its workers.

The country’s political deadlock has threatened to spread to the economy as port workers flexed their collective muscles in order to send a message to the government regarding the delayed vote. Reports of strikes by air traffic controllers and ground handling staff at Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA) were played down by management.

Customs workers also held strikes on Thursday – citing long term workplace grievances – and have given management one week to address their demands .

Calls for tourism workers striking last week failed to result in significant incident, though Minivan News was informed of the partisan political atmosphere in Irufushi which has resulted in numerous dismissals at the resort.

Travel advisories in a number of significant markets, including China and the UK, were updated this week to warn of growing instability.

The MDP’s supposed run-off opponents, the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) took advantage of the lack of activity in the Supreme Court to call for the removal from parliament of MDP MPs who had criticised the court’s recent rulings. The Home Ministry has announced it is investigating both Transparency Maldives and the Tourism Employees Association of Maldives (TEAM) for similar offences.

The PPM also called for the resumption of Nasheed’s stalled trial regarding the detention of Criminal Court Judge Abdulla Mohamed, and the quick resolution of the Dr Afrasheem Ali murder case. Police this week forwarded a further four names to the Prosecutor General for their alleged involvement of the late PPM MP’s killing.

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Government rules out supplementary budget to plug 2013 shortfall, commits to T-bill sales

Finance Minister Abdulla Jihad has said the government has overcome the need to issue a supplementary budget to plug a shortfall in state spending for the current year, relying instead on short-term treasury bills (T-bills) to carry over its debts.

The comments were made as the Ministry of Finance today confirmed it had been officially requested to present the proposed annual 2014 state budget to parliament on October 30, with work ongoing despite the challenges posed by the upcoming Eid holidays.

Jihad previously told Minivan News that despite anticipating parliament would need to approve a supplementary budget after state offices were found to have exhausted their recurrent expenditure for 2013 by April, the government was now instead relying on T-bills to balance outgoings.

The finance minister last month said that the Maldives was relying on 28 day T-bills to help “roll over” debt one month at a time after parliament had failed to approve a number of measures to try and increase state expenditure not included in the 2013 budget.

T-bills are sold by governments all over the world as a short-term debt obligation backed by sovereign states. In the Maldives, they have a maximum maturity of six months, in which time they must be repaid.

The present government’s reliance on T bills has been slammed by the opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), which has previously questioned why there had been an increased reliance on short-term financing considering total state revenue rose 16 percent over the 12 months up to July 2013.

Borrowing fears

The Finance Ministry claimed in August that it had managed to reduce state spending since 2012, despite the MMA raising fears that the current “beyond appropriate” levels of government expenditure was leading to a vicious cycle of borrowing.

Early last month, the government said it hoped to secure longer-term financing measures to cover the shortfall in annual revenue as the number of 28-day T-bills sold by the state almost doubled in July 2013 compared to the same period last year.

According to the Maldives Monetary Authority (MMA) monthly review for August 2013, sales of T-bills for July 2013 has risen by 95 percent year on year.

The MMA stated that there had been a 163 percent in 28 day T-bills by July 2013 compared to the same time last year, despite sales of T-bills with a maximum maturation period of three month and six months declining by 63 percent and 83 percent respectively.

Sales of T-bills were also up 35 percent for July 2013 over the previous month, according to the MMA’s figures.

Budget issues

Finance Minister Jihad told Minivan News earlier this year that the state’s increased reliance on T-bills between July 2012 and July 2013 reflected the difficulties faced by the government in trying to raise budgeted revenue during the period.

He added that with only “a few people” in the private sector now interested in purchasing the short-term debt obligation from the government, T-bills has been sold as part of wider investments made by the state through the country’s pension fund.

Parliament in April rejected government-sponsored legislation to raise the airport service charge to US$30, which was among a raft of measures proposed by the Finance Ministry in the estimated 2013 budget to raise MVR 1.8 billion (US$116 million) in new income.

Other proposed measures include hiking Tourism Goods and Services Tax (T-GST) to 15 percent from July 2013 onward, leasing 14 islands for resort development, introducing GST for telecom services as well as oil, and “selectively” reversing import duty reductions.

Opposition’s T-bill concerns

Mahmoud Razee, former Economic Development Minister under the previous government, claimed T-bills should only be used by the state to help cover its operational expenses, rather than serve as a long-term means of financing.

“With income tax revenue having increased according to the Maldives Inland Revenue Authority (MIRA), why have [T-bill sales] gone up? Under the MDP government we were using T-bills to meet our cash flow,” he said. “This had nothing to do with the fiscal deficit.”

Razee argued that while the former government had itself sought foreign loans to balance the financial deficit while in power, the administration of former President Mohamed Nasheed had worked to avoid relying on T-bills for longer-term financial concerns like balancing the national fiscal deficit.

“The moment T-bills are increased, this directly affects loans that banks are able to give to the private sector, leading to the cost of borrowing increasing,” he said.

Razee claimed that the MDP government had attempted to try and extend income tax reforms introduced during its time in office to further boost revenues – a plan he said was cut short by the controversial transfer of power on February 7, 2012.

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Maldives customs workers suspend strike, give management one week to meet demands

Maldives’ Customs Service workers initiated strike actions on Thursday morning and have threatened a full work stoppage if senior management does not meet their demands by the end of next week.

At 8:30am approximately 90 customs officers began protesting in the main customs building in Male’. They met with Deputy Commissioner General of Customs Mohamed Kamal and other senior management at 10:30am to discuss customs workers’ grievances, communicate their demands, and provide a petition signed by over 250 workers.

As of 11:00am the strikers agreed to give management one week to fulfill their demands and “give a solid answer”, otherwise the strike will restart Thursday.

“From the olden days there has been favoritism and the same thing is still practiced now. We will protest, we won’t stop. These problems should be solved if senior management wants us to be calm,” one of the strike organisers told Minivan News today.

“We decided [to strike] for our children’s future, for their sake we thought we should come out and express ourselves,” the source said. “This is the first time ever customs workers have participated in any strike.”

“We are not fighting for our own individual rights, but for the [customs] staffs’ rights,” the source noted.

Customs workers are aggrieved about senior staff engaging in discriminatory, nepotistic practices, that have led to inequitable promotions, retirement packages, and training opportunities, multiple customs workers told Minivan News today.

“Inequality is very high within customs, people won’t tolerate this,” a source lamented. The source also noted that gender discrimination is a factor impacting women within the government agency.

While “favoritism has been a problem from the beginning”, customs officials noted that these problems have been exacerbated since individuals with education and experience have been overlooked and mistreated by senior staff. “Promotions have not been based on qualifications, these things shouldn’t be happening,” said a customs official.

“On August 15, 2013 senior management met at 12:00am and developed a promotions list in secret. That’s not legal,” the source alleged. The source noted that the promotions criteria was altered to include the subjective “competency” category, however staff were not shown their employment appraisals.

The sources alleged that the promotion grading system has not been adhered to, and instead senior staff have unfairly advanced employees.

“There have been discrepancies in promotions, for example some have received double promotions, while others have not been promoted at all due to their political affiliations,” a customs officer said.

“Promotions have not been lawfully done. The management board includes staff with relatives working under them. They can’t make decisions [regarding promotions] in that state,” said another customs official.

“Some of the senior staff have not attended [the office regularly] and amended their attendance [record], but their status in the human resources [section] says they have attended,” the source noted. “Since there are problems with their performance, how can they objectively evaluate ours?”

In addition to grievances about inequitable promotions, nepotism has led to unfair working conditions as well, a customs official explained.

“Wives and relatives of senior staff are allocated tasks and assigned to sections [within customs] where they only have to work in the morning. There are many sections that require shift duty, but they don’t get assigned shifts,” the source noted.

“Senior staff follow separate rules, they come and go as they please, don’t swipe their finger, and no one is supervising them,” the source continued.

“Recently a case happened regarding a high level shipment, but senior staff instructed us not to fine the shipment and to let it go,” the source added.

Also, employees are being transferred to different departments repeatedly and frequently without reason, according to one source who reported being shifted between three different sections over the last six months.

Another customs official highlighted inadequate working conditions, such as the lack of desks and chairs for some employees, are also problematic for some employees.

The strikers noted that after the promotions were announced in August, they communicated their grievances to the Commissioner General (CG) of Customs, the Home Minister, President Mohamed Waheed, and filed a petition with the Anti-Corruption Committee (ACC).

“The CG said he did what he wanted and no one can do anything about it, the Home Minister said he’d look into it and the President said he’d establish a separate committee to look into the matter,” according to a customs officer. “But still there has been no decision or action taken.”

Customs officers presented a list of demands that include correcting discriminatory practices as well as holding the Human Resource Board of Directors accountable for their corrupt practices.

The board consists of the CG, eight section directors, as well as the human resource section head, customs officials explained.

“The Human Resources Board thinks that this is their company, but this is a government agency,” declared a customs official.

“We are demanding a separate entity be established to deal with promotions and the previous promotions awarded [since August] be cancelled,” the source added.

Some of the customs officers who participated in this morning’s strike claim that senior management told them their protest action was illegal and threatened to fire participants.

“They can fire us, we are ready for that, but they have to fire the board first,” said a customs officer. “We don’t trust [the management] anymore.”

Senior management’s response

Meanwhile, senior customs officials are considering the workers demands but have denied threatening to fire strike participants.

“A group of staff voiced discontent with some aspects of evaluating performance and promotion criteria used, which they claim are unfair,” Deputy Commissioner General of Customs Mohamed Kamal told Minivan News today.

“Management met them and noted the issues. Possible remedial actions are being analysed,” he continued.

“Firing employees are not being considered, that’s speculation,” he added.

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Flight delays as airport ground handling staff call in sick en masse

Ground handling staff at Maldives’ Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA) have called in sick en masse in protest over pay grievances, leading to flight departure delays today.

The Maldives Airports Corporation Ltd (MACL) has downplayed the matter and said “operations at the airport are normal.”

A ground handling staff member who wished to remain anonymous told Minivan News that staff called in sick starting at 11:00 pm on Wednesday. Only eight of the 16 scheduled staff turned up for the night shift, while only four of the 16 scheduled staff reported for the morning and afternoon shifts, the source said.

MACL’s HR Manager Ali Huzaim confirmed that “some ground handling staff have called in sick,” but said the reduced man power had not affected flight departures.

“Labour laws guarantee employees 30 days of sick leave in a year. This is a right they have. There are some who have called in sick in the ground-handling department. However, there have been no flight delays because of reduced manpower,” Huzaim said.

CEO of MACL, Ibrahim ‘Bandu’ Saleem said 10-12 percent of the company’s employees were on leave at any given point and that today was no different.

“Operations are normal at the airport,” Saleem said.

Despite Huzaim’s claim there were no delays in flight departures, ground handling staff told Minivan News that Condor Flight DE 3327, Air India Flight AI 264, Hainan Airline Flight HU 7952, Singapore Airline Flight SQ 461, and British Airways Flight BA 2042 faced between 30-45 minutes delay in departure.

Minivan News confirmed the reports independently. Flights arriving in the Maldives meanwhile experienced only minor delays today.

“MACL has not carried out work appraisals for two years now, which means we do not get any promotions. The company regulations stipulate that a percentage of profits be distributed among the company’s staff. However, that has not happened. Further, we still continue to turn up to work in GMR’s uniforms,” they said.

GMR-MAHB won a concession agreement to manage and upgrade Ibrahim Nasir International Airport (INIA) under the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) administration, which was ousted from power on 7 February 2012 amid protests and a police mutiny.

The new government, comprising a coalition of former opposition parties under current President Mohamed Waheed, declared in late 2012 that GMR-MAHB’s agreement was ‘void ab initio’ (invalid from the outset) and gave the developer seven days’ notice to leave the country.

“We have had several meetings with [MACL management] about our grievances, but we have had no response from them,” the source added.

Meanwhile, Air Traffic Controllers (ATC) who started calling in sick en masse on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday have resumed work following a Wednesday night meeting with Saleem, an air traffic controller who wished to remain anonymous told Minivan News.

The ATCs are demanding the reinstatement of a professional grading system, adherence to International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO), and the holding of the presidential run-off election that remains suspended by the Supreme Court.

On Wednesday, MACL denied the delays from the ATCs calling in sick; however, pilots and Trans Maldivian Airways confirmed some delays due to the protest.

Ahmed Fazeel, Business Development Manager at Trans Maldivian said although seaplanes were operating without any delays today, the company had experienced delays on Wednesday because of “something to do with the air traffic controllers.”

Staff at Maldives Customs Services also stopped work today in protest over corruption and unequal treatment of employees.

The Tourism Employees Association of the Maldives (TEAM) and Maldives Ports Workers Union (MPWU) last week threatened prolonged strikes over the Supreme Court’s order to delay elections in an ongoing case filed by Jumhooree Party to annul the first round of presidential elections held on September 7.

The two organisations have told Minivan News they are waiting on the Supreme Court verdict to decide how to proceed.

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Waheed and Nasheed hold first meeting since power transfer

Former President Mohamed Nasheed met with his successor Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan yesterday evening for the first time since the former’s controversial resignation in February last year.

Meeting at the president’s official residence – Muleeage – at 9pm, the encounter lasted around fifteen minutes before Nasheed left without speaking to the press.

A subsequent Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) statement said that the discussion had included Nasheed’s concern at the delayed run-off election following the Supreme Court rulings ordering the cessation of preparations – by force if necessary.

The court is reported to be working around the clock to reach a conclusion in the Jumhooree Party’s (JP) case, which has requested an annulment due to what it allegs were systemic failings during the first poll.

Despite President Waheed’s hopes that the court reach a decision as soon as possible, none has been forthcoming since the concluding statements were heard one week ago.

A President’s Office statement today noted Waheed’s desire to see a smooth transfer of power to the eventual winner of the election.

Addressing the nation earlier in the day, Waheed said that verification of election related complaints was vital.

“Presidential candidates, political parties, individual citizens, foreign organisations and nations are all waiting to see the election being held as quickly as possible and to see the new president take oath on November 11,” said President Waheed.

The constitution mandates that a new president take office by November 11, a schedule the Elections Commissioner has said cannot now be met.

Both MDP and President’s Office statements claimed that the meeting had been requested by the other attendee.

Waheed assumed office within hours of Nasheed’s unexpected resignation, in what Waheed has insisted was a constitutionally prescribed procedure.

Nasheed would soon claim that his resignation had come under duress, publicly labelling Waheed as a conspirator in his demise and a ‘baghee’ (‘traitor’).

Whilst Nasheed topped the first round of polling on September 7 with 45.45% of the vote, Waheed’s ‘Forward with the Nation’ coalition gained just 5%.

The final result was due to be followed by a run-off on September 28 between Nasheed’s MDP and second-placed candidate Abdulla Yameen of the Progressive Party of Maldives before third-placed candidate Gasim Ibrahim’s JP took his complaints to the Supreme Court.

Gasim – who himself met with Nasheed two weeks ago to discuss the maintenance of national interest and maintaining stability and public order – missed out on the run-off by less than three thousand votes.

Supporters of Nasheed have protested for six consecutive nights following the decision to indefinitely delay the run-off.

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Defence and prosecution call the same witnesses as MP’s alcohol trial continues

The Prosecutor General’s (PG) Office has today told the Criminal Court that it has 11 witnesses against Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) MP Hamid Abdul Ghafoor, proving that he was in possession of – and under the influence of – alcohol when arrested on the island of Hondaidhoo last November.

During today’s hearing the PG’s lawyers said that the 11 witnesses were police officers in the team that raided Hondaidhoo, and that in addition to the 11 witnesses there were two experts that examined the alcohol found on the island and the related documents showing the test results.

Meanwhile, MP Hamid also submitted eight police officers as witnesses in his defence as well as the two experts that examined the alcohol.

The presiding judge told Hamid that some of the police officers that he had submitted as witnesses in his defence were police officers has been named as witnesses for the prosecution, meaning that he would he would have to change witnesses.

Hamid submitted the witnesses to prove to the court that the alcohol found on Hondaidhoo island did not belong to him and that police had illegally arrested him.

The hearing into MDP MP Abdulla Jabir’s case – also concerning the possession and use of alcohol – was scheduled for today but was cancelled due to the defendant being out of the country.

The trial of the third person charged – Jadhulla Jameel – trial was conducted in the Criminal Court today with state lawyers read out the charges against him, before his lawyers were asked to respond to the charges.

His lawyer said that the charges did not specify that Jadhulla had consumed or possessed alcohol.

A total of 10 people were taken into police custody on November 16 after police raided and searched Hondaidhoo with a court warrant. Officers alleged they found large amounts of suspected drugs and alcohol upon searching the island.

Senior MDP members – who had held top portfolios in the the government of former President Mohamed Nasheed – were arrested in the case, including former Press Secretary Mohamed Zuhair and his wife Mariyam Faiza, as well as Nasheed’s Special Envoy Ibrahim Hussain Zaki and his son.

The state is also pursuing separate charges against MP Hamid in relation to his subsequent failure to provide a urine test.

According to the Drug Act, Sections 123(a), 161(a) and 161(b), any person arrested on suspicion of having abused alcohol or narcotics has an obligation to comply with police requests for routine urine examination by promptly providing urine samples, and failure to comply is a criminal offence punishable with a one-year jail sentence.

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MNDF introduces regulations against officers inciting ‘upheaval and chaos’

The Maldives National Defense Force (MNDF) has amended its regulations to impose punishments on officers found guilty of inciting ‘upheaval and chaos’, as rumours of possible disgruntlement among military personnel spreads across social media.

The Military Act amendment, which focuses on conduct by officers to support a coup or “chaos” in the armed forces, comes shortly after the MNDF issued a statement of condemnation, claiming that some media outlets had been “sowing discord and disorder in the military.”

Within hours of the amendment coming into force, First Lieutenant Abdulla Shareef was handed an ‘indefinite suspension’ from the service on the grounds that he was found guilty of attempting to cause upheaval and chaos within the military rank.

The new amendment, which came into force on Wednesday (October 3) will be included as the 22nd chapter of the Military Regulation. The document was quickly leaked onto twitter.

The introductory provision of the amendment (Page 1 and Page 2) states: “This is the chapter that defines the ‘upheaval and chaos’ mentioned in the Section 33 of the Military Act which states upheavals and chaos that are incited through speech, writing, action or gesture amongst members of the military.”

Section 33 of the Military Act states – “Any officer who orchestrates a coup, or incites upheaval and chaos within the military, or attempts to commit such an act, or supports such an act, or remains silent whilst having knowledge of such attempts, or delays in informing of such an attempt, is held liable under this act.”

The new definition of incitement of ‘upheaval and chaos’ laid down in the new amendment includes:

  • Making demands through petitions drawn among two or more officers
  • Displaying content that could sow discord and disorder amongst military flanks through speech, writing, graphical depictions, photographs or any other means
  • Speech or conduct that amounts to doubts and questions being raised about the legality of an order given to the officers or a group of officers and
  • Incitement of hatred and false allegations towards the upper ranks of the military.

The amendment also states that any officer whose actions or attempts to incite action fall within the ambit of the definition laid down would face administrative action and penalties.

A snapshot of the announcement obtained by Minivan News stated that accusations levied against First Lieutenant Shareef had been confirmed by statements from other MNDF officials questioned during an internal investigation.

Therefore First Lieutenant Shareef had been suspended under the section 4(a) of the MNDF Employment Regulation, read the announcement.

MNDF Spokesperson Colonel Abdul Raheem confirmed to Minivan News that the amendment to the regulations had been enforced, as well the suspension of First Lieutenant Shareef.

Letter of concern and resignation of First Lieutenant Mohamed Haleem

On Monday (October 3), senior officers in the MNDF sent a “letter of concern” to Chief of Defence Force Major-General Ahmed Shiyam, following the failure of the country to hold scheduled elections on September 28.

Colonel Raheem – a signatory of the letter himself – has confirmed the authenticity of the letter, telling Minivan News earlier this week that the letter had been intended to inform the MNDF leadership of their “concerns about political turbulence in the country right now and how the military should plan and prepare for it”.

Another officer who signed the letter told Minivan News on condition of anonymity:

“This is not a petition. It is a letter of concern over the Supreme Court’s order to delay elections, the failure of state institutions, and the possible politicisation of the military, and asking that unconstitutional orders not be issued.”

The officer also said that the letter had been signed by ranks including Generals, Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Captains, First Lieutenants, Sergeant Majors and Warrant Officers.

A copy of the letter obtained by Minivan News showed that the suspended First Lieutenant Shareef was also a signatory of the letter.

Other signatories included Brigadier General Abdulla Shamaal, Colonel Hamid Shafeeq, Colonel Ahmed Jihad, Lance Colonel Nasrulla Majdee, Captain Abdul Muizz, Lance Colonel Ibrahim Hilmy, Sergeant Major Hassan Fawaz, Sergeant Major Naushad Ali, and Captain Hassan Amir.

Colonel Mohamed Ziyad – who is also facing criminal prosecution for his alleged role in controversial detention of Chief Judge of Criminal Court Abdulla Mohamed – is also a signatory to the document.

The signature of former Military Intelligence Head Brigadier General Ahmed Nilam– who testified in parliament stating that controversial ousting of former President Mohamed Nasheed on February 2012 had all the essentials of a coup d’etat – is also on the document. Nilam remains under suspension after being relieved of his duties in January.

The first letter – which preceded an internal shuffle, including a marine commander being switched to another unit – was followed by a second piece of correspondence in which First Lieutenant Mohamed Haleem requested resignation from the defense force over “difficulties in executing his duties”.

“I do not believe the security services are currently adhering to the constitutional provisions stated in articles 237 and 238. Also, while the spirit of article 246 of the constitution is, to refrain from political affiliations and to treat equally among the people and different groups, respecting the principles of Islam and human dignity, I do not see this currently happening [within the security services],” First Lieutenant Haleem stated in the letter.

“For the last 23 years [of my military service], I have served this country under a solemn oath taken in the name of Allah, I do not see any way that I can carry out my duties as prescribed in the constitution and the military act, while in this position, therefore I request you to relieve me from my duties,” he concluded.

General Didi appeals the MNDF to uphold the law

Former Brigadier General Ibrahim Mohamed Didi – regarded as a hero for his exploits during the 1988 Tamil coup attempt – also issued a letter over social media earlier this week.

“Given the sad state of affairs this country has fallen to, as a person who came out to sacrifice my life to protect holy Islam and this nation when required, as a person who would still take any action required in the best interest of this country, people and religion and as a person who has been trained and acquired military expertise at the expense of the public funds, I could not remain silent today. I believe it is a national and a religious duty to say something on the issue,” he wrote.

“My advice to the military officers is: ‘Do not give the opportunity to anyone who plans to rule this country by taking the laws to their own hands and override the constitution and undermine the constitutional framework of this country’,” wrote Didi, who was the Male’ Area Commander during the 7 February 2012 controversial power transfer before resigning “prematurely” from his 32 year career on July 16, 2012.

A similar plea was also made by President Dr Mohamed Waheed Hassan in an address to the nation this week, during which he called upon security services to “prioritise the greater interest of this state”.

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